Nation needs closure not soothsayer

Nation needs closure not soothsayer

MAY 16, 2010 — Attempts to blemish the social fabric is threatening to drive a wedge between the different races in the country and is growing at an alarming rate.

The controversial “Melayu Bangkit (Malays Arise)” congregation organised by Gerakan Kebangkitan Rakyat (Gertak) and government agency, Terengganu Integrity Institute on May 13 was called off after the event was widely criticised by the public and opposition due to its divisive nature.

It is not surprising that a national government agency is involved in organising an event that is bent on reliving the darkest period of the nation’s history.

For decades, National Civics Bureau (BTN) has been instilling fear and hatred among the different races blaming the May 13 incident on the non-Malays for being insensitive and greedy.

Umno has conveniently chastised DAP as the perpetrator of the bloody event and the big win scored by the party in the last general election has been deemed as a signal of the deteriorating of the Malays’ political power.

DAP is being used as the bogeyman and Umno’s mouthpiece has called DAP’s rise to a position of power as a threat to the Malays’ way of life — position of the Malay language, Islam, Malay Sultans and the Malays’ special position.

The conditioning of the Malays have been so effective that it has managed to convince the Malays that this land belongs to them with the other races being conveniently labelled as immigrants (pendatang).

This process has been systematically carried out with the assistance of mainstream media dailies and television, namely the right-wing daily Utusan Malaysia and TV3 television station.

What this has evidently produced is an insecure Malay community which faces difficulty accepting that times have changed and the dogmatic ‘Malay Supremacy’ is unable to stand the test of time.

It is worrying that even with the advancement of internet where information is readily available, there are large swathes of urban and educated Malays that still profess to the mantra of ‘Malays First’.

Decades of systemic brainwashing and indoctrination has successfully bred distrust and mistrust between Malays and non-Malays.

Notoriously celebrated figures have also jumped on the bandwagon to drum up the pro-Malay sentiment.

This is typified by none other than the publicity-hungry parochial former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad who was pencilled in to officiate the congregation.

Mahathir has conveniently slammed his critics citing the old-school nag reminding Malaysians on the history of the May 13 incident and for all to abide by the social contract as a precursor for peace among the races.

He forewarned that the country will repeat the mistakes of the past if it denied history implying that the congregation is meant to educate Malaysians on the history of the country.

“I feel that if we forget our history then we will repeat this history,” said Dr Mahathir.

The congregation like many other right-wing NGOs like Perkasa is focused on putting out the agenda that the non-Malays creeping into the rights of the Malays and that the Malays need to unite politically to protect their rights that are slipping away.

The success of the Malay Agenda has always been linked to the political strength of Umno and as the beacon of the Malays, the myth that a strong Umno will protect the survival of the Malays economically and politically.

Proponents of Malay Agenda has time and again use history, sentiments and emotions to heighten the siege mentality among the Malays.

For Malays to progress with time together with the rest of the country there is no room for this kind of mentality.

While the Malays need to shed their insecurities, the non-Malays need to feel appreciated in a land they call their own.

Doomsayers and soothsayers like Dr Mahathir, Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, Perkasa President Datuk Ibrahim Ali and many other Hang Tuah-wannabes will not help to achieve these objectives and are threatening the social fabric of the country.

The nation needs closure from the episode of May 13 and does not need to relive the past; lessons have to be learnt but scare-mongers have to be done away.

Note : This article first appeared in The Malaysian Insider on May 16, 2010

Cheap stunts threaten to take the shine off the pearl

OCT 2, 2009 — Just as the contentious issue of Kampung Buah Pala has more or less died down, the issue involving the Malay kampung of Tanjong Tokong is now threatening to cause another round of sleepless nights for Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng, his deputy Mansor Othman and, to a certain extent, opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.
The political ramification of the Kampung Buah Pala issue has been a pain in the neck for Lim and the state government as DAP and Pakatan Rakyat capitalised on the issue to good effect in the 2008 general election, attacking Barisan Nasional for not standing up for the people in facing the commercially-driven and profit-oriented developers.
After capturing the state, DAP and its Pakatan component members realised that it was not simply an open-and-shut case that can be settled without any implications, financially and legally, in relation to the approval given to the land owner and the development of the area.
The incoming Pakatan state governments of Penang, Selangor, Kedah and once upon a time Perak ill-thought promises of correcting the wrongs done by BN have came back to haunt them as it is evident that promises are easier made than to be realised.
Lim has had to swallow bitter pill as he was unable to play the role of the people's champion which he usually enjoys when he was the free spirit gung-ho oppositionist.
The Pakatan state government has also had to defend itself from accusations of not upholding the rights of the people.
To make things worse, previous allies like Hindraf are now at the forefront of accusing the DAP-led state government of mistreating the disfranchised Indians.
Penang's DCM II Prof P. Ramasamy was given an earful of abuse by the Hindraf leaders for not doing enough for the cause of the Indians. Some of the charges accused the state government of racial discrimination.
Not to be outdone, calls of a “new formula” or rotation of the chief ministership by fringe PKR leader and those wanting to promote themselves as champions of the Malay community have added salt to the sometimes fractious partnership between DAP and PKR.
This came at the behest of the anger by PKR's MPSP councillor on the appointment of a civil servant as the MPSP's president rather than someone nominated by PKR.
The issue of rotating the chief ministership mimics the political one-upsmanship of the previous state government under BN. Previously, Penang Umno had time and again demanded for the chief ministership to be handed over to it rather than being awarded to Gerakan, accusing the Gerakan-led state government of doing little to uplift the status of the Malay community.
Hence, if the rotation calls are true and not merely the overplay by the BN-manipulated media, it will have an impact to the people that there seems to be no difference between the previous and current state government.
One interesting question that comes to mind is that if the biggest party is accorded the post of the chief executive of the state then why has there not been proactive and committed work on the ground to win over not just the Malays as well as other communities in order to become the biggest party and lay a more realistic and rightful claim to the post.
Cheap political mileage like the one we are seeing in Penang bears resemblance to the ruckus that Selangor state exco Datuk Hasan Ali has tried to concoct with his antics of downgrading the same government that he is a part of.
The displacement of the majority Malay community in Tanjong Tokong must be treated as more than just a Malay issue as the solution should be considered from a human rather than a racial perspective.
The plight affecting residents of Tanjong Tokong just like in Kampung Buah Pala or even the new villages in Perak and Selangor are real issues that are affecting disfranchised people and little will be achieved if they are tackled as a race-based problems.
There ought to be a clear departure from the excessive politicking that is the hallmark of the previous government to new politics that is honest and represents hope for the people.
At the same time, governance requires leadership and the courage as well as the political will to do the right thing, ethically and morally not just politically.
After all, people will judge politicians by their act of governing and providing solutions for the welfare of the people rather than polemics and manoeuvres that mean little except for good political trash news.
Whilst Anwar is pushing for a solid and united Pakatan, wayward attempts to destabilise his effort must be kept in line and whipped to ensure the people remain hopeful of change and not disillusioned by similarities to the old regime.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Oct 2, 2009

Heads must roll after town hall fiasco

SEPT 8, 2009 – Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim was given a rude awakening when the meeting that was meant to discuss the relocation of a 150-year old temple turned to chaos and almost a ruckus.
Khalid called for a residents’ meeting following the highly charged protest on the relocation of the temple made infamous by the stamping of a severed cow’s head in front of the Selangor state secretariat building.
The Selangor MB felt that he had to take matters into his own hand after experiencing first hand how the issue deteriorated turning into a very sensitive one with negative political consequences.
While it is too obvious that Umno has played an active role in riling up the local Malay residents of Section 23, Shah Alam; it also reflects the weakness of the Pakatan Rakyat local machinery so much so that it was unable to counter the propaganda that Umno has been feeding into the minds of the local Malays.
Pakatan Rakyat state representatives were unable to ride on their position, influence and most importantly their newly found authority and power to dispel or stem the flowing tide of divisive elements from Umno.
They had also underestimated the nature of the resistance against the state government reflected by the emotional and surreal cow-head protest.
Everyone except the local Pakatan Rakyat machinery and some state government officials expected Umno, through its agents, to subvert the meeting. Hence, it was very naïve of the organisers to expect the meeting to be held in a cosy and warm atmosphere.
The rest, as they say, is history and Khalid, of all people, should not have received the level of abuse that was directed at him.
This issue, if nipped in the bud, would not have deteriorated into a situation that reflected a loss of control for the state government.
Khalid also had to personally see into this matter and even went around the residential area in search of a new proposed location for the temple. In short, Khalid has had to troubleshoot this politically sensitive issue when it ought to be handled by more junior officers and legislators.
It also goes to show that Khalid has under him some civil servants, local councillors, state reps and even exco members that are unable, or unwilling, to carry out his aspirations for the people.
The relocation of the temple has been an issue for more than two decades and has been an issue to both sets of the communities for some time. The failure of the local machinery to undertake proactive measures as well as their inability to communicate more effectively with the local residents should not be allowed to go unpunished.
It would not escape the attention of Khalid that these passengers under him ought to be replaced by qualified, competent and more committed leaders to ensure that Pakatan Rakyat is seen as being proactive in their efforts to provide service for the people.
The current public relations failure on this issue is reminiscent of Pakatan’s problem on a national level, especially in dealing with the Malay-Muslim issue that seems to be the only trump card that Umno is able to hold.
If Pakatan especially PKR and Pas intends to breach the stranglehold that Umno has over the lay Malays, it has to find a more effective means of communicating to the Malay community as compared to the typical ceramah or sermons or the like.
Considering the hold that Umno has over Utusan Malaysia and TV3, the change among the Malays’ psyche towards Umno will definitely not happen in the nearest future. Paradigm shift among the general Malays must take place to ensure Pakatan’s continuity of administering the state and takeover federal on a national level.
Only then would the people of Selangor and the country be convinced to allow Pakatan Rakyat another chance to continue leading the state and realise the dream of leading the nation.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Sept 8, 2009

Umno reaps what it sowed

AUG 29, 2009 – Just days before the nation celebrates its 52nd Independence Day, the action by some mongrels who stamped and spat on a severed head of a cow in front of the Selangor State Secretariat building to protest against the planned relocation of a Hindu temple to their residential area has posed serious questions about the state of race relations in the country.
The planned relocation of the temple from Shah Alam’s Section 19 to Section 23 has drawn loud protest from a section of the local residents.
According to the protestors, the area is populated by 90% Muslims and the presence of the temple will affect their lives as Muslims.
The surprising thing is that the police stood by in full view of these acts. Their newly found restraint, unlike their heavy-handed clampdown on Hindraf, Bersih and recent anti-ISA demonstrations, is most unusual.
In keeping with his call for 1 Malaysia, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak called on the police to take swift action on the “outrageous action” by the protestors to put a lid on the provocative acts and stop communal tensions from blowing up.
As long as the so-called “sensitive subjects” of race and religion remain taboo, it will be easier for powers-that-be to retain hegemony, divide and rule the community to their liking.
These extremists, whether they parade themselves under the banner of some supposedly noble NGOs like Pembela, Perkasa, Hindraf, Dong Jiao Zhong or the like, live on the philosophy of radicalism, bordering on racism.
While these fringe groups are getting louder and louder, they actually have minute numbers in representation. Their mindless actions calling for parochialism and supremacy of one race is based on short-term and narrow minded political agenda.
This scenario is exactly what right-wing nationalist organisations like Umno have been hoping for and harping on.
The embarrassing performance by Umno and Barisan Nasional in the 2008 general election is being said to result in the dilution of Malay power.
When Umno and BN won almost 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats in the 2004 general election, they became big-headed and disregarded the minority voices, especially those from outside the Malay community.
Umno leaders marginalised them to the extent of discriminating against the impoverished and poor, especially those among the Indian community.
They also acted with disrespect to the Chinese community and accused them of taking advantage of the divided Malay community.
At the same time, Umno leaders became too engrossed with power and abused the New Economic Policy to enrich themselves as well as their cronies, which have turned off the Malays themselves.
Fast forward a couple of years from the humiliating 2008 general election and the Umno extremists have now crawled back into their shells and accentuate their hardline stance with a more extreme brand and rhetoric of Malay supremacy.
They are increasingly disassociating themselves from a significant 40 per cent of the nation’s population (non-Malays and non-Muslims) and, at the same time, splitting the Malays right down the middle.
The paradox between Najib’s 1 Malaysia and Umno’s raison d’etre is becoming even more evident and prominent by the day.
Led by Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, Umno is shifting even further to the right to the extent of dismissing his fellow cabinet members in defending some extreme pro-Malay stances adopted by Umno leaders and their mouthpieces.
Utusan Malaysia has been at the forefront of disseminating extreme pro-Malay and pro-Umno propaganda which is meant to sway the minds of the general Malays.
Articles, opinion pieces and news reports have been skewed to incite hatred towards Pakatan’s Malay leaders with Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Pas’s Spiritual Leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat being the prime targets, accused of selling out the Malays.
While Anwar and Nik Aziz are being denigrated using the worst kind of terminologies available, the Malays are being fed with the illusion that the downfall of Umno will result in the downfall of the Malays.
The outcome of these charades and “wayang kulit” spiced up with venomous and spiteful antics as well as idiotic actions by Umno bigots are hallmark of desperation as well as fear of losing the accustomed power to rule the nation.
For them, power is everything even if it means destruction of the very fragile fabric of the society.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Aug 29, 2009

Battle for the holy grail

APRIL 18, 2009 — Even after the morale-boosting win by Pakatan in Bukit Selambau and Bukit Gantang, the battle to win the hearts and minds of the Malays remains a real problem for Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim & Co.
In Bukit Gantang, PAS admitted that the votes from the Malays dropped from 47 per cent to 43 per cent.
This represents the final missing piece to Pakatan in its quest to complete the puzzle and seal its attempt to bring down BN.
However, it has not been smooth sailing for Pakatan in its attempt to snare the Malay votes from Umno.
Umno and its coterie of rogue NGOs are trying very hard to paint the Anwar-led Pakatan as one that will not be able to defend Malay rights and will sell out the Malays.
Umno has conveniently played up sensitive issues to prove to the Malays that they are on the losing side if Pakatan were to lead the country.
Umno has taken advantage and forced Pakatan to be on the defensive over issues like pig farming, the loud azan call, the suggestion to open up UiTM to non-Malays, the former Perak government's decision to award land titles to new villages, and many others.
Umno has to a limited degree succeeded in planting seeds of doubt within the general Malay psyche that a Pakatan government will dilute a heavily-Malay and pro-Islam administration.
Since independence, the government has always been pro-Malay in representation which can be seen in the number and seniority of Umno ministers in the Cabinet compared to the other BN parties.
This has been accentuated after the dark episode of May 13, whereby Tun Abdul Razak put in place the New Economic Policy followed by the setting up of numerous institutions for the sole benefit of the Malays like Mara, PNB and many others.
The Malays have had it easy and almost uninterrupted assistance as well as favourable positioning with the affirmative action policy in place for more than three decades.
The expansion of the middle class among the Malays and the wealth accumulation among certain Malays have been used to infuse a feel-good feeling among the Malays.
This has put the Malays in a comfort zone and made them generally contented with their easy-going life.
Hence, most Malays especially the older generation who have enjoyed the fruits of Umno's handouts for decades felt the need to repay and support Umno/BN in return.
These “oldies” are the ones who formed the thin layer of insulation for Umno to survive the political tsunami that hit the country the past year.
Umno would have been history if not for the sizeable votes that it secured from this age group.
Hence, PAS and to a lesser extent PKR are at a loss as to how to swing the psyche of the older generation Malays towards them.
PAS realises that for it to remain in a multiracial coalition like Pakatan Rakyat or the BN for that matter would be beneficial in the long run.
It would be easy for PAS to take the short-term route of sticking to the unipolar theme and rhetoric of Malay-Islam to gain immediate support as Umno's dominance dwindled.
However, this would mean a loss of opportunity for PAS to expand its catchment area to include non-Muslims.
The support of the Malays remains the missing piece of the jigsaw puzzle to complete Pakatan's ambition to take over the federal government.
The key to Pakatan's effort to swing the Malays is to show that with DAP in the coalition it would not be to the detriment of the Malays.
Hence, the DAP-led state government of Penang has to show that it would be able to safeguard and elevate the status of the Malays together with the rest of the population even without the so-called Ketuanan Melayu championed by Umno.
DAP has to also taper down and dilute the perception of it being a chauvinistic Chinese party that is bent on dismantling the pro-Malay and pro-Islam policies in the country.
It is surely not enough to have one or two Malay leaders within their ranks to get the Malays to soften their phobia towards the party.
If this can be carried out successfully and with evidence of genuine sincerity, there will be hope for the coalition to be able to capture the minds and heart of the Malays.
On the other hand, Najib is attempting to repackage and rebrand the image of his pro-Malay administration with the “1 Malaysia” concept.
Umno leaders have done too much to antagonise the non-Malays and it is difficult to get the non-Malays to do a U-turn back to BN in the short term.
Hence, the “1 Malaysia” rhetoric represents Najib's hope to increase non-Malay support for BN.
While BN is going in one direction, Pakatan is going the other way, with no clear indication as to who will reach the finish line.
One thing is for sure, whoever succeeds has to understand that people's support is not absolute and they will be forced to deliver their promises.
So, don't promise the moon and the stars if you are just offering peanuts because you will be held to ransom.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Apr 18, 2009

Malays threatened by their leaders

MARCH 31, 2009 - The recent congregation organised by a right wing Malay NGO, Perkasa has threatened to steal the thunder from Umno.
Led by controversial Pasir Mas MP Datuk Ibrahim Ali and former Hulu Klang assemblyman Datuk Fuad Hassan, Perkasa has put forward resolutions as a façade to safeguard the Malay race.
For a start, Perkasa seem to be competing for the same target group with Malay-Muslim political parties - right wing nationalist Malay supremacists.
The resolutions passed by Perkasa demand for a return of the supreme position of the Malay Rulers, for Malay rights to be upheld including the restoration of New Economic Policy (NEP) and the strengthening of the Malay economic position.
The assembly was attended by some 1,500 people from 65 NGOs and could have been considered a curtain raiser to the Umno general assembly which ended recently.
In a democracy, any formation of a group or NGO should be allowed to prosper as long as they subscribe to the rule of law, whatever their inclinations might be as long as they are not anarchic.
The theme of Perkasa assembly that the "Malays are in danger" seem to be a bit far fetched and is designed to instil a feeling of being under threat of extinction.
If indeed the Malays are under threat, where is the threat coming from?
Are the Malays under threat from the other races?
Or are the Malays under threat from its own race, which I can be persuaded to agree.
Or as I am more inclined to believe, is that the perceived threats to the Malays are mere illusions or false threats than actual significant threats by design.
The 'dilemma' that has befallen the Malays has been made into a political tool to project certain individuals and organisations that being portrayed as the ultimate champion of the Malay race.
However, as the Malays become more educated, they tend to take these self mutilating attempts by politicians with a pinch of salt.
The Malay community has had a long history of parochial and feudal system entrenched within the society.
In the past, the community would usually submit to the whims and fancies of its leaders - from the Malay rulers right up to former PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
Never before have the Malays raised up to show their disgust and anger on the excesses, abuse of power and maladministration of their own leaders like they did in the 12th general elections last year.
This tide maybe attributed to the wave of advances in information technology that allowed people to access news and opinions which are now much more readily available.
An ever increasing young population has also contributed to this phenomenon creating a more inquisitive and critical society.
Wealth creation has led to a bulging middle class among the Malays and has developed a thinking that the Malays need not hang on to their leaders to survive.
In short, the Malays have begun to realize their true worth and that they will not allow their leaders to take them for a ride.
Even though the older generation still hold their leaders in high regard and have not shifted out of the stale paradigm, the rest of the Malay population are starting to warm up to egalitarianism which many hoped is not a masked heroism.
The Malays are beginning to shift their allegiance from one icon to another - dismissing and ridiculing an old and haggard warlord and replacing it with a zesty rebel.
The Malays have begun to reject an old system in favour of the new guard, many a time influenced by emotion and hate rather than backed by a rational and an objective mind.
The worry is that heroism will lead the Malays back to their old mantra of "the leader can do no wrong", which is exactly what the Malays do not need.
There ought to be a more thoughtful and pervasive debate among the Malays on the state of their affairs - politics, economy, social, etc.
The lack of objectivity among the Malays is borne out of frustration and anger that their anointed leaders have time and again abused and misappropriated their rights.
The lack of depth of discussions on the Malays is a reflection of the failure of the Malay academia and intellectuals.
The discussions seem to be revolving around quotas and shareholdings rather than paradigm shifts, information knowledge or transformational process.
The sentiments seem to be centred on minute significance like the keris or that sort of thing.
The Malays are now being offered with two political icons as their choice - a battered and bruised Umno-BN that underwent a rejuvenation process or some say cosmetic surgery led by Najib Razak and high riding PKR-Pakatan but lately beset with internal problems and scandals led by Anwar Ibrahim.
To the politicians or these so-called heroes, the Malays, just like any other race in this world, are human beings and are not commodities that can be sold or traded with throat roaring shouts to defend their honour when these leaders themselves are the ones reaping all the benefits, leaving crumbs for the rest.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Mar 18, 2009

The race for polarisation

Nov 19, 2008 - Recent developments, both local and international have heightened the debate on the role of race in politics.
The election of Barack Obama as the 44th president of United States has opened the eyes of the whole world that the race barrier is slowly falling apart.
It represents how the biggest democracy in the world has moved beyond race and the politics of hate to one that is based on issues.
While the rest of the world celebrated Obama's win, rejoicing to the fact that there is hope for a fair and just world order, we are faced with a more complex situation at home.
After the March 8 general election, idealists predicted that the end of racial politics was near.
This was when there was talk of the federal government changing hands.
It was said that the old regime that governed the nation for more than half a century, was now is on the brink of redundancy.
In an attempt to hold on to power, there had been attempts to tarnish the nation's social fabric by extreme elements who used race, and to a certain extent, the religion cards.
Many painted the old regime as the defender and promoter of racial politics – all bad and ugly.
However, after recently controlling five state governments, the supposedly new order failed to impress either.
The basis of their discontent towards each other is also linked to race relations, equity, political participation, among others.
They use the power of innuendo, with the threat to return to the old ways of dividing the races.
The appointment of a Non Malay Acting General Manager of PKNS (GLC under Selangor State government) and the 50 per cent Bumiputra quota for all new housing development in Kedah are among the issues threatening to tear down the foundation of the supposedly "new dawn of the nation".
The new order has proven aloof, with parties and leaders all jostling and pushing each other to grab their share of the shrinking economic cake.
Meanwhile, the old regime – the supposed defenders of race politics – is also embroiled in similar situations of their own.
Among the more vivid examples includes that of one of UMNO warlord calling the Non Malays as 'pendatang' and the Gerakan Wanita Chief passing remarks about the origin of the Bumiputras and an endless tit-for-tat within the own coalition is a constant thorn within.
Apart from intra-politicking that is causing implosions within both the old and new coalitions, there are obvious and desperate attempts on both sides to get one-better than their rivals.
Issues such as the suggestion to open up UiTM to Non Malays, the approval of land to vernacular schools in Perak and the multi-language signboards in Penang have been blown out of proportion for cheap political mileage.
We are also seeing a mushrooming of numerous NGOs and umbrella coalitions being set up to 'defend the rights of the natives', to protect them from being trampled by the other races.
NGOs in Malaysia are either pro-government or anti-establishment.
They will rarely act objectively but usually herd together with other fellow-NGOs to either support the government or object vehemently oppose the government blindly.
The media is also being used and abused in these blame game.
Newsfeed, articles and short stories in the Malay media are being spun to convince the Malays that their rights and special priviliges are being eroded.
On the other hand, the vernacular media are pulling the Non Malays in the opposite direction and highlight the supposedly racist actions or statements of some of the Malay leaders.
And if that was not enough, the King and the Sultans are not being spared and are seemingly being dragged into this polemic.
Politics of hate and politics of race have no place in today's era.
However, we will be served with a spectrum of push and pull events polarizing the communities even further as long as the middle ground or the masses do not reject or show their disgust towards these brainless antics.
This country was built on the foundation of peace and tolerance.
While we understand history, as a dynamic country we should move forward and build upon these elements.
The old mantra of division by race is fast becoming irrelevant.
Hence, we have to redefine and create a whole new philosophy or 'people's declaration' on the new foundation for the nation.
Respect for all cultures, religion and beliefs; obliterating supremacy of race; and avoid any hegemony of power.
Race and religion are being used as potent tools to retain political hegemony on the one hand. And they are also being used to create a whole new hegemony.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Nov 19, 2008

Humourless propaganda to maintain hegemony

OCT 15, 2008 - The short story (cerpen) "Politik Baru YBJ" by Chamil Wariya published by Mingguan Malaysia on October 12 has kicked up quite a ruckus in the political arena as many allege that it is a thinly veiled threat against MP and Selangor Senior State Exco YB Teresa Kok.
Apart from that, the cerpen is so boring it will never win any literary award in our lifetime. It lacks creativity and imagination but it excels in its simplistic and direct intent -- the stoking of racial fires.
It is also very clear that it reaches out to a very specific group: the rural folks, those who believe in the supremacy of a race and the likes.
The message in the cerpen will stir up emotions to good effect and any claim of it being a purely creative piece a la Salman Rushdie's "Satanic Verses" cannot be justified.
To the DAP and other opposition parties, it simply incites racial disharmony.
"Politik Baru YBJ"represents the thinking of the average Umno supporter -- a Malay who reads Utusan Malaysia, watches TV3 and is influenced by his circle of friends and family.
Their source of information is limited to that range and scope and they do not see the need to look out for more information, research or even try to understand the opposition's views.
Apparently, this group represents the bulk of the Malay vote bank ie the typical Malay voter. This is exactly the group that did not vote PKR, Pas and DAP in the March 8 general election. This vote bank ensured Umno survived the political tsunami while their counterparts MCA, Gerakan and PPP were crushed.
While all other media - English, Chinese and Tamil -- became more open and critical, the opposite is true of the Malay media led by Utusan and TV3. They have become very racist and divisive. Utusan and TV3 is a very powerful tool for Umno to retain the loyalty among their voters.
These powerful opinion-makers in the Malay community will constantly provoke the thoughts of this vote bank as in the case of this particular cerpen.
This vote bank for Umno has been a loyal and unwavering lot. The mindset of right-wing nationalist prophecies run in their vein. The final paragraph of the cerpen sums up the intent :
"Sewaktu pemeriksaan dibuat ke atas mayat anak muda yang tidak dikenali itu, terselit sehelai nota yang ditaip rapi, ditulis dalam bahasa Kebangsaan.
Ia berbunyi: YB Josephine adalah ancaman terhadap keharmonian. Lebih baik riwayatnya ditamatkan supaya masyarakat berbilang kaum boleh tinggal aman damai di negara bertuah ini. Saya berkorban untuk masa depan."
The end result that Chamil Wariya and many other Umno spin doctors are hoping for is loyalty towards Umno. More of this "politics of fear and hate" will fill the pages of Utusan and news items in TV3. This is to be expected as long as Umno's Malay supremacy doctrine remains.
However, DAP stalwarts who have taken offence towards the article ought to do some reflection on their own. It is to the advantage of Umno for them (DAP) to be portrayed as anti-Islam and anti-Malay. If DAP can remake their image to project a friendlier face to the Malays, they might be able to turn it around to their advantage.
All in all, this cerpen goes to show the narrow-mindedness and desperation among some Umno leaders and its spin doctors to maintain the status quo. They want to maintain their hold on the Malays. Most of all, it speaks of the power that is slowly slipping away from their hands.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Oct 15, 2008

Buying the way to racial unity

Oct 14, 2008 — The stage is set for Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to become the next Umno president and by convention the sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia. Going by the early trend from the Umno divisional meetings, Najib is set to record a landslide win. His only credible threat is in the form of Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who has not been able to create any ripple of support even though he has proposed a slew of radical suggestions to reform Umno and the Barisan Nasional.
Najib, a "bangsawan" with some pedigree in politics, has had everything handed to him on a silver platter. He was the youngest menteri besar of Pahang and has led the Youth, Defence, Education and currently the Finance ministries. But most of all, he carries the surname of a revered leader deemed by many as a true Malay champion.
Tun Abdul Razak Hussein was credited with the establishment of pro-Malay institutions such as PNB, Mara, Felda, etc. However, his most treasured legacy that has not been talked about much is the formation of the Barisan Nasional in the aftermath of the traumatic May 13 riots. After the 1969 general election, Gerakan and Pas joined this coalition but Pas left a few years later. What would Najib have done in the face of a similar scenario? Educated, affable and well placed in the top strata of society, Najib is poised to help strengthen the social fabric of the nation. However, unlike his father, his political posturing and stance thus far has never been that convincing.
Like a wizard, Najib needs somehow to magically erase his involvement in many controversial events. He was directly involved in the events leading up to the 1987 Operasi Lalang. His fiery and divisive speech when he was the Umno Youth chief had antagonised the non-Malays and did not go down well with many BN component parties and the opposition. He would have to undergo some form of ritual cleansing to instil confidence in the non- Malays and general public to project that he is not only capable of leading the country but also a worthy and just leader.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's tumultuous era saw many attempts to polarise society even further. The politicking from both sides of the divide is getting increasingly out of hand and Abdullah failed to control the situation. Najib has his work cut out with the current global economic crisis but it would be wise for him to focus on the domestic front where apart from the economy, race relations should be his top priority. Recognising this fact, Abdullah has already said that Najib's biggest challenge is national unity.
Najib's deafening silence following the aftermath of the Hindraf and the recent Bar Council anti-apostasy demonstrations does not bode well with the general public. Another is his inability to demand that Datuk Ahmad Ismail be severely reprimanded for the "squatter" remarks made during the Permatang Pauh by-election which was seen as distasteful to many including ordinary Umno members. As the second man in charge, Najib did not lend a helping hand to Abdullah during this period. He was unable to provide a sense of calm and rational arguments to appease the feuding parties. On the other hand, Pakatan managed to gain the support of the middle ground and the bulk of the non-Malays. It is a tall order for Najib to outdo and attempt to regain lost ground.
There is a big likelihood that Najib's administration, unlike Abdullah's, will be more decisive which will result in a more united and disciplined BN. Many in Umno and BN component parties understand that they need to strengthen the coalition, but with Umno defending the Malay agenda with much fervour, the others have threatened to quit the coalition if the arrogance and rhetoric are not toned down. Elements within the MCA, Gerakan and PPP have in different breaths stated that parting ways with Umno is a real possibility. One Umno Youth division chief in Perak, in an exasperated tone, said: "BN's unprecedented loss of a two-thirds majority in the March 8 general election is a lesson to all. The lesson is how all the races can work together. At the moment, the leadership is not providing any answers" when asked about the current malaise in the BN.
Najib is expected to make several major concessions early on to appease the other BN component parties. Rewards in the form of positions and power in the government, agencies and government-linked companies will be offered to component party leaders. However, there is no clear vision or formula from the top leadership — which apparently includes Najib — to strengthen the working relationship between component parties in the BN. Pointing out the essence of the problem and the kind of cooperation that is required, an Umno state legislator from Penang said: "It (the cooperation between BN component parties) must go beyond just mere power sharing. There is a lack of desire for true partnership or camaraderie between the component parties. There is no sincerity." It is difficult to see the old mantra of 1970s style cooperation and power sharing being able to sustain a healthy BN.
Najib knows that he needs a cohesive BN to stifle Pakatan's growing influence, and he also needs to address the grouses of BN component parties. BN will perhaps superficially and temporarily appear more solid and stronger under Najib, but the domineering attitude of Umno will remain and may affect the unity of BN as a whole. He will also have to discipline Umno warlords from contributing to the internal clashes within BN which may lead to the downfall of the coalition and this is a challenge that will knock on his door continuously.
To most Umno supporters they worry that the Malays i.e. Umno are losing power after having lost Kedah, Perak and Selangor. They also solemnly believe that the Malays should reign supreme on all fronts — economic, social, etc. To them, a softening in the tone for the Malay agenda is humiliating and degrades the party and the Malays in general. Hence, Najib is not expected to tone down the Malay agenda in his attempt to consolidate Umno as it is a powerful tool to gain the support of the Malays. Whether he will be going down the same road that his father left for Malaysians, and strengthening national unity based on power sharing alone remains to be seen.
He may be able to buy cooperation temporarily but as the coffers dry up, loyalty will go out the window almost instantaneously.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Oct 14, 2008

Abdullah's promise, Umno's quagmire

SEPT 16, 2008 – Abdullah Badawi led BN to a near white wash with 90% of parliamentary seats won in the 2004 general election (GE). While standing tall and snubbing the opposition as irrelevant especially PKR, they went on to do the most unthinkable. They reneged on almost all their promises, antagonised the Non-Malays but most importantly they abused the trust given by the Malays.
Abdullah won the 2004 GE for Umno and BN almost single handedly. He said all the right things and presented a personal image of humility and piousness. His campaign was run on the pretext that he is a different man with a different administration, running down Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's administration as corrupt, undemocratic and wasteful.
In contrast, Abdullah promised to open up democratic space, eliminate corruption and to treat all Malaysians equally resulting in the landslide win for Umno and BN. Four years passed and how the tables have turned against Abdullah and Umno. As Harold Wilson once said, one week in politics is a long time, and after four years the feeble attempts by Abdullah's administration to change now seems too little too late.
The current governance crisis is not entirely Abdullah's fault; he inherited an already tainted system. Mahathir's 22 years of iron fisted rule enabled him to build Malaysia as he envisioned it. During his rule, he singlehandedly destroyed the judiciary, education system and used the media to maintain power. Malaysia probably lost two generations of critically, articulate and robust youths – who do not question, do not challenge, and toe the line.
However, with the advancement of general material wealth, better access to education, the internet and more diverse life experiences of the urban middle class population, there was a consensus that something is direly wrong with our system of governance and voices of dissent rose in intensity especially after the dismissal of Anwar. Dr Mahathir, knowing that national anger and dissent towards him was growing, knew his time had come, accepting this albeit reluctantly and Abdullah came in with all the promises of change.
Malaysians unconditionally put their trust in Abdullah to deliver, or so he thought. He retained Dr Mahathir's Cabinet and while rescinding some of Dr Mahathir's project, he created new mega projects of his own. Wastages and leakages that were synonymous with Dr Mahathir's government continued under his nose.
In the March 8 GE, Abdullah and BN tried to rehash the same campaign motto but failed. Umno emerged battered while its partners – MCA, Gerakan and MIC – were almost wiped out. If not for their East Malaysian partners, BN would have lost. Even though Umno still emerged as the biggest single biggest party in Parliament, its relationship with other BN components had taken a serious downturn, talks of discontent turned into resolutions of protest. If the mood swings of MCA, Gerakan and Sabah parties are to be considered; Umno may well be the only party left in BN come the next GE.
In the UK, after the humiliating Tory defeat to the Labour Party led by Tony Blair in the 90s, John Major resigned as the head of the Tories. Even in Malaysian political history, Datuk Onn resigned when Umno rejected his proposal to open up the party to non-Malays. Tunku stepped down after the bad results of the 1969 GE and the subsequent riots.
The same was expected this time round with Umno but instead talks are still on succession, a concept that started from Tun Hussein Onn to Dr Mahathir to Abdullah that has taken mould as the tradition of political transfer of power within Umno.
Too much is at stake for Abdullah to let go. The son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin's political career depends on the patronage of Abdullah. He is deemed too junior in Umno to wield significant grassroot support and to add, he was heavily blamed by certain quarters in Umno – rightly or wrongly – for the outcome of the recent GE.
Hence, a phased transition of power would be for his benefit and survival. At the same time, Najib, with the current Altantuya murder trial and Anwar Ibrahim's sodomy trial both perceived by the public to be linked to him, is happy to bide his time and wait for 2010. Therefore, in a sense, this succession formula between Abdullah and Najib is actually a lifeline for them both.
But this is not necessarily in agreement by Umno in general, what is interestingly shaping is the impending Tengku Razaleigh (Ku Li)–Muhyiddin pairing to challenge the Abdulah–Najib ticket in the December party elections. Muhyiddin has publicly asked Abdullah to expedite the transition of power and also encouraged Abdullah's nemesis, Dr Mahathir to rejoin Umno. Even though Ku Li's economic mantra might be outdated, the magnanimous statesman is still a notable candidate.
Muhyiddin himself is probably the most outstanding minister in Abdullah's current Cabinet. He spearheaded Johor's economic development while being a menteri besar, performed well in all ministerial posts held so far and has shown considerable leadership.
But the main focal point is actually if Najib will turn his back against Abdullah just like he did when he turned against Ku Li during the 1987 party elections. He would not want to be swallowed under the weight of disapproval against Abdullah. Hence, the divisional AGM in October will indicate whether the grassroots want a Najib-Muhyiddin or Ku Li-Muhyiddin pairing to bring the glitter back to Umno or if they are comfortable with Abdullah leading them out of this quagmire.
Like Golkar in Indonesia, it is quite difficult for Umno to perish. They will be a main player in the political scene for many years to come, with or without BN. Umno has strong, powerful and well entrenched grassroots' presence. It has been able to successfully "infiltrate" the Malay psyche equating the fall of Umno as the death of the Malay race.
To the ordinary Malay, Umno is good and well but it's the leaders who are corrupt. Hence, their migration of allegiance to Pakatan led by PKR may well be temporary. With the dismantling of the current leaders and through an injection of hope into the community, Umno might well rise again.
But Umno cannot merely stand on form alone without substance. Its battle cry of Malay supremacy is seen as outdated, racist and divisive. Intellectuals within Umno have been unable to articulate the Malay Agenda for the future. It is hard to see Umno abandoning this agenda with the current malaise that it is in.
The recent spate of arrests using the much loathed Internal Security Act (ISA) – involving a reporter, a prominent blogger and a leading opposition MP – showed that Abdullah and Umno are regressing back into their caves. Strike fear into the hearts of people and abuse power to maintain hegemony. This will retain power for the short term in Umno's hand but definitely not for long. Looking at the way they are heading Umno's future does look gloomy.
Almost all non-Malays and also a significant number of Malays, see the Umno brand of Malay agenda as tainted. Umnno needs to "soften" its image beyond a rebranding exercise to stand a chance. But having said that, can the Malay supremacy agenda be revived for 21st century Malaysian politics? This is only relevant if the "coup-de-tat" by Anwar's Pakatan on Sept 16 or soon after does not happen after all.

- published by The Malaysian Insider : Sept 16, 2008

Disassociating the Malays from Malay supremacy

Sept 7, 2008 — The recent conclusion of the Permatang Pauh by-election which saw Anwar Ibrahim's convincing win, has been touted as the beginning of the end for Umno.
Anwar defeated Arif Shah Omar Shah of Umno with an increased majority compared with his wife, Wan Azizah's win in March. Prior to the election, there was no doubt in anyone's mind that Anwar would win — from Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak, to the average man on the street and even the bookies. The question was not if he would win but by "how many votes".
This main strategy of the Barisan Nasional, which was to reduce Anwar's majority at all cost, was their only way of coming close to a win, by claiming a moral victory.
The Umno battalion, with the mainstream media at its disposal, threw everything at Anwar – the swearing on the Quran by his former aide and alleged sodomy victim ; the coterie of former close advisers and friends like Ezam Mohd Nor and Nallakarupan who attacked Anwar from the left, right and centre and not to forget the publicity given to 200 PKR leaders and supporter who defected to Umno.
All of which were thought to be the recipe to stifle Anwar's rise to the premiership.
And not surprisingly, Umno also took a very open communal line of campaigning, accusing Anwar of selling out the Malays through his proposal to abolish the New Economic Plan (NEP) and introducing other liberal policies, alienating further the non-Malay community from Umno and BN .
But what was quite surprising was the rejection of the communal thrust of these camapigns by the Malays themselves.
The outcome was indeed a thumping victory for Anwar and a demoralizing loss for Umno.
Looking back at the March 8 General Election (GE), nothing much has changed. Analysis of the results have shown that 78 per cent of the non-Malays in Permatang Pauh voted for PKR which is similar to the results in the March GE.
But the more worrying trend for Umno is that the Malay support for PKR increased from 59 per cent in March to 62 per cent. So evidently two main facts can be inferred here; firstly, non-Malays support for Pakatan remained and second, Malay support for Pakatan increased since March.
While it was safe to assume that the denial of the two-thirds majority for BN during the GE, which saw five states falling to the hands of the opposition, was more a vote against BN rather than a vote for Pakatan, the same cannot be said with Permatang Pauh.
While it is a fact that Permatang Pauh was only a by-election, minutely small in comparison to the GE, many variables in the political equation indicate that the result is a reflection of the mood and feelings of the nation as a whole.
It is clear that the Malays are slowly but surely disassociating themselves from Umno. The propaganda of a Ketuanan Melayu or Malay supremacy, diminishing under Anwar and Pakatan rule, did not strike a chord with the Malays.
This doesn't mean that the Malays do not care about Ketuanan Melayu, NEP or Malay rights, because the sense of Malay vulnerability without the two, is too ingrained within the Malay psych to just merely diminish.
Many Malays believe that the diluting of Ketuanan Melayu will ultimately mean being subjugated or even "colonized" by the non-Malays.
So, what made the Malays of Permatang Pauh and the roughly 45 per cent of Malays nationwide vote against the Umno doctrine of Ketuanan Melayu?
A few reasons come to mind.
Umno's current image that it is not being sincere enough in pushing for the Malay agenda as result of the overwhelming corruption, cronyism and nepotism culture practiced by its leaders.
Malay perception towards Umno is that of a party where the political leaders are only enriching themselves while the majority of Malays have to toil day and night working 2 to 3 jobs to barely survive.
Since the March general elections, Umno is slowly creeping back into its cave of 'Ketuanan Melayu', Malay rights and NEP rather than addressing the core problem which is their inability to see a united Malaysian race.
They are slowly becoming a face that only knows and cares for one race – the Malays.
Umno today is being guided by leaders implicated in corruption, abuse funds meant for the poor, embroiled in sex scandals but most of all people see Umno as a vehicle to enrich themselves, not as a platform to serve the community.
Umno and BN have lost its appeal. It is unable to project a leadership that inspires people. Its handling of the economy and social policies has been wobbly, uninspiring but most importantly worrying. It is unable to overcome problems surrounding religion and race convincingly.
In short, the present government, dominated by Umno, has provided zero leadership. Pakatan, in response to this vacuum, has filled this need for leadership.
Malaysians, for the first time, see on the opposite side, a breath of fresh air and greener pastures ahead. They see a three-party loose coalition, called Pakatan Rakyat, led by one charismatic former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim, as a solution.
This Pakatan talks about equality whilst preserving the Malay preferential treatment, that espouses meritocracy but at the same time is determined to improve the quality of the Malays, fight corruption and stands for a just and equitable society.
While this Pakatan has yet to convincingly answer fundamental questions on Islamic or a secular state for Malaysia, people are not afraid and are willing to give them a shot.
If this loose coalition succeeds to outperform BN, albeit by a even small margin, it might well be doom for Umno and its partners.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Sept 7, 2008