SEPT 8, 2009 – Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim was given a rude awakening when the meeting that was meant to discuss the relocation of a 150-year old temple turned to chaos and almost a ruckus.
Khalid called for a residents’ meeting following the highly charged protest on the relocation of the temple made infamous by the stamping of a severed cow’s head in front of the Selangor state secretariat building.
The Selangor MB felt that he had to take matters into his own hand after experiencing first hand how the issue deteriorated turning into a very sensitive one with negative political consequences.
While it is too obvious that Umno has played an active role in riling up the local Malay residents of Section 23, Shah Alam; it also reflects the weakness of the Pakatan Rakyat local machinery so much so that it was unable to counter the propaganda that Umno has been feeding into the minds of the local Malays.
Pakatan Rakyat state representatives were unable to ride on their position, influence and most importantly their newly found authority and power to dispel or stem the flowing tide of divisive elements from Umno.
They had also underestimated the nature of the resistance against the state government reflected by the emotional and surreal cow-head protest.
Everyone except the local Pakatan Rakyat machinery and some state government officials expected Umno, through its agents, to subvert the meeting. Hence, it was very naïve of the organisers to expect the meeting to be held in a cosy and warm atmosphere.
The rest, as they say, is history and Khalid, of all people, should not have received the level of abuse that was directed at him.
This issue, if nipped in the bud, would not have deteriorated into a situation that reflected a loss of control for the state government.
Khalid also had to personally see into this matter and even went around the residential area in search of a new proposed location for the temple. In short, Khalid has had to troubleshoot this politically sensitive issue when it ought to be handled by more junior officers and legislators.
It also goes to show that Khalid has under him some civil servants, local councillors, state reps and even exco members that are unable, or unwilling, to carry out his aspirations for the people.
The relocation of the temple has been an issue for more than two decades and has been an issue to both sets of the communities for some time. The failure of the local machinery to undertake proactive measures as well as their inability to communicate more effectively with the local residents should not be allowed to go unpunished.
It would not escape the attention of Khalid that these passengers under him ought to be replaced by qualified, competent and more committed leaders to ensure that Pakatan Rakyat is seen as being proactive in their efforts to provide service for the people.
The current public relations failure on this issue is reminiscent of Pakatan’s problem on a national level, especially in dealing with the Malay-Muslim issue that seems to be the only trump card that Umno is able to hold.
If Pakatan especially PKR and Pas intends to breach the stranglehold that Umno has over the lay Malays, it has to find a more effective means of communicating to the Malay community as compared to the typical ceramah or sermons or the like.
Considering the hold that Umno has over Utusan Malaysia and TV3, the change among the Malays’ psyche towards Umno will definitely not happen in the nearest future. Paradigm shift among the general Malays must take place to ensure Pakatan’s continuity of administering the state and takeover federal on a national level.
Only then would the people of Selangor and the country be convinced to allow Pakatan Rakyat another chance to continue leading the state and realise the dream of leading the nation.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : Sept 8, 2009
Saturday, September 26, 2009
Umno reaps what it sowed
AUG 29, 2009 – Just days before the nation celebrates its 52nd Independence Day, the action by some mongrels who stamped and spat on a severed head of a cow in front of the Selangor State Secretariat building to protest against the planned relocation of a Hindu temple to their residential area has posed serious questions about the state of race relations in the country.
The planned relocation of the temple from Shah Alam’s Section 19 to Section 23 has drawn loud protest from a section of the local residents.
According to the protestors, the area is populated by 90% Muslims and the presence of the temple will affect their lives as Muslims.
The surprising thing is that the police stood by in full view of these acts. Their newly found restraint, unlike their heavy-handed clampdown on Hindraf, Bersih and recent anti-ISA demonstrations, is most unusual.
In keeping with his call for 1 Malaysia, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak called on the police to take swift action on the “outrageous action” by the protestors to put a lid on the provocative acts and stop communal tensions from blowing up.
As long as the so-called “sensitive subjects” of race and religion remain taboo, it will be easier for powers-that-be to retain hegemony, divide and rule the community to their liking.
These extremists, whether they parade themselves under the banner of some supposedly noble NGOs like Pembela, Perkasa, Hindraf, Dong Jiao Zhong or the like, live on the philosophy of radicalism, bordering on racism.
While these fringe groups are getting louder and louder, they actually have minute numbers in representation. Their mindless actions calling for parochialism and supremacy of one race is based on short-term and narrow minded political agenda.
This scenario is exactly what right-wing nationalist organisations like Umno have been hoping for and harping on.
The embarrassing performance by Umno and Barisan Nasional in the 2008 general election is being said to result in the dilution of Malay power.
When Umno and BN won almost 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats in the 2004 general election, they became big-headed and disregarded the minority voices, especially those from outside the Malay community.
Umno leaders marginalised them to the extent of discriminating against the impoverished and poor, especially those among the Indian community.
They also acted with disrespect to the Chinese community and accused them of taking advantage of the divided Malay community.
At the same time, Umno leaders became too engrossed with power and abused the New Economic Policy to enrich themselves as well as their cronies, which have turned off the Malays themselves.
Fast forward a couple of years from the humiliating 2008 general election and the Umno extremists have now crawled back into their shells and accentuate their hardline stance with a more extreme brand and rhetoric of Malay supremacy.
They are increasingly disassociating themselves from a significant 40 per cent of the nation’s population (non-Malays and non-Muslims) and, at the same time, splitting the Malays right down the middle.
The paradox between Najib’s 1 Malaysia and Umno’s raison d’etre is becoming even more evident and prominent by the day.
Led by Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, Umno is shifting even further to the right to the extent of dismissing his fellow cabinet members in defending some extreme pro-Malay stances adopted by Umno leaders and their mouthpieces.
Utusan Malaysia has been at the forefront of disseminating extreme pro-Malay and pro-Umno propaganda which is meant to sway the minds of the general Malays.
Articles, opinion pieces and news reports have been skewed to incite hatred towards Pakatan’s Malay leaders with Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Pas’s Spiritual Leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat being the prime targets, accused of selling out the Malays.
While Anwar and Nik Aziz are being denigrated using the worst kind of terminologies available, the Malays are being fed with the illusion that the downfall of Umno will result in the downfall of the Malays.
The outcome of these charades and “wayang kulit” spiced up with venomous and spiteful antics as well as idiotic actions by Umno bigots are hallmark of desperation as well as fear of losing the accustomed power to rule the nation.
For them, power is everything even if it means destruction of the very fragile fabric of the society.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : Aug 29, 2009
The planned relocation of the temple from Shah Alam’s Section 19 to Section 23 has drawn loud protest from a section of the local residents.
According to the protestors, the area is populated by 90% Muslims and the presence of the temple will affect their lives as Muslims.
The surprising thing is that the police stood by in full view of these acts. Their newly found restraint, unlike their heavy-handed clampdown on Hindraf, Bersih and recent anti-ISA demonstrations, is most unusual.
In keeping with his call for 1 Malaysia, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak called on the police to take swift action on the “outrageous action” by the protestors to put a lid on the provocative acts and stop communal tensions from blowing up.
As long as the so-called “sensitive subjects” of race and religion remain taboo, it will be easier for powers-that-be to retain hegemony, divide and rule the community to their liking.
These extremists, whether they parade themselves under the banner of some supposedly noble NGOs like Pembela, Perkasa, Hindraf, Dong Jiao Zhong or the like, live on the philosophy of radicalism, bordering on racism.
While these fringe groups are getting louder and louder, they actually have minute numbers in representation. Their mindless actions calling for parochialism and supremacy of one race is based on short-term and narrow minded political agenda.
This scenario is exactly what right-wing nationalist organisations like Umno have been hoping for and harping on.
The embarrassing performance by Umno and Barisan Nasional in the 2008 general election is being said to result in the dilution of Malay power.
When Umno and BN won almost 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats in the 2004 general election, they became big-headed and disregarded the minority voices, especially those from outside the Malay community.
Umno leaders marginalised them to the extent of discriminating against the impoverished and poor, especially those among the Indian community.
They also acted with disrespect to the Chinese community and accused them of taking advantage of the divided Malay community.
At the same time, Umno leaders became too engrossed with power and abused the New Economic Policy to enrich themselves as well as their cronies, which have turned off the Malays themselves.
Fast forward a couple of years from the humiliating 2008 general election and the Umno extremists have now crawled back into their shells and accentuate their hardline stance with a more extreme brand and rhetoric of Malay supremacy.
They are increasingly disassociating themselves from a significant 40 per cent of the nation’s population (non-Malays and non-Muslims) and, at the same time, splitting the Malays right down the middle.
The paradox between Najib’s 1 Malaysia and Umno’s raison d’etre is becoming even more evident and prominent by the day.
Led by Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, Umno is shifting even further to the right to the extent of dismissing his fellow cabinet members in defending some extreme pro-Malay stances adopted by Umno leaders and their mouthpieces.
Utusan Malaysia has been at the forefront of disseminating extreme pro-Malay and pro-Umno propaganda which is meant to sway the minds of the general Malays.
Articles, opinion pieces and news reports have been skewed to incite hatred towards Pakatan’s Malay leaders with Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Pas’s Spiritual Leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat being the prime targets, accused of selling out the Malays.
While Anwar and Nik Aziz are being denigrated using the worst kind of terminologies available, the Malays are being fed with the illusion that the downfall of Umno will result in the downfall of the Malays.
The outcome of these charades and “wayang kulit” spiced up with venomous and spiteful antics as well as idiotic actions by Umno bigots are hallmark of desperation as well as fear of losing the accustomed power to rule the nation.
For them, power is everything even if it means destruction of the very fragile fabric of the society.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : Aug 29, 2009
A Permatang lesson for all
AUG 27, 2009 — The decision was almost a foregone conclusion with PAS coming out tops in Permatang Pasir with a thumping majority of 4,551 votes despite the attempt by the Election Commission to limit the turnout in the by-election by having it in the fasting month and also on a weekday.
Umno's once swashbuckling electoral candidate selection and machinery has almost disintegrated to one that is non-functioning and disjointed.
The problematic candidacy of Rohaizat Othman is now being blamed as the sole reason for the humiliating loss when there are bigger and more fundamental reasons to be considered.
After the 2008 general election, there have been three by-elections within the bigger constituency of Permatang Pauh.
Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim contested the parliamentary seat of Permatang Pauh to take over from his wife, current Penang Deputy Chief Minister I Mansor Othman contested the Penanti state seat to take over from the troublesome Mohd Fairus Khairuddin and now PAS's Salleh Man is the new state rep of Permatang Pasir after the death of previous representative Mohd Hamdan Rahman.
Now that the dust has settled, there are a few take-home notes for all parties involved.
Since the general election, the political temperature has been topsy turvy and of late, the tables have turned for both Pakatan Rakyat and Barisan Nasional.
After the general election, Pakatan seemed to hold the upper hand and moved forward with much gusto and slight arrogance befitting a government-in-waiting as well as the clear favourite in the domestic political arena.
It was as if Pakatan was leading the way, with Umno and BN chasing and barking all the way behind them.
After a turbulent past few months highlighted by Datuk Seri Najib Razak's ingenious manoeuvre when he scooped Perak from under Pakatan's nose with a few Pakatan scoundrels abandoning Anwar's ship, coupled with some heavy-handed attempts by federal institutions to destabilise the Penang, Kedah and Selangor state governments; the momentum seemed to move slightly back towards Umno.
There seems to be a resurgent of spirit for Umno and BN, playing heavily the racial card to the fullest with extreme rhetorics that only served to alienate the non-Malays even more while slightly consolidating the support from Umno's own hardcore supporters.
In antagonistic fashion, PM Najib seems to be going in the opposite direction compared to the rest of his beleaguered party.
While Najib espoused the 1 Malaysia concept which is supposed to project a more inclusive face of BN, his deputy Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and the rest of the Umno leaders are revealing the true colours of a party that does not show any capacity of being tolerant or receptive to any values outside of the Malay race.
Muhyiddin has suddenly emerged as the fighter within Umno that believes religiously in Malay supremacy and that Umno holds the divine right to the throne of the country's leadership.
Muhyiddin is putting on the ultra Malay mask in his attempt to strengthen his base within Umno by showing that he would not abandon the sacred Malay Agenda mantra.
He is also positioning himself to be the anti-thesis to Najib's 1 Malaysia and is biding his time waiting for the perfect opportunity to go for the kill as he does not have the luxury of time and age as Najib or even the hungry-looking vice-presidents Datuk Zahid Hamidi or Datuk Hishammuddin Hussein.
Hence, Najib is watching these developments within Umno keenly and as long as he can keep Muhyiddin and the hawks within an arm's length, he would not rock the Umno boat.
Meanwhile, Umno's tactics of painting and highlighting the liberal face of Anwar as well as labelling him a traitor to the race at the same time have not manage to clock additional political votes.
At the same time, it has emboldened Anwar's supporters within Pakatan parties and the general public that the whole traitor and sodomy charges are meant to halt Anwar's charge towards Putrajaya.
Anwar also have major issues to grapple with in PKR and the umbrella coalition of Pakatan.
For the first time, Anwar has admitted that Pakatan especially PKR needs to strengthen its candidate-vetting process.
Anwar may not have the luxury of a pool of quality candidates in the last general election, but he will definitely have an abundance of top, credible, young and experienced leaders offering to stand under the banner of PKR in the next general election.
He must have his fingers crossed that his party and Pakatan do not self-destruct before the next general election.
With leaders like Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, Datuk Chua Jui Meng, Tan Yee Kew and the like, Anwar can be certain that he will be able to put up a credible line-up.
His own worry is that there needs to be an infusion of more high-profile Malay as well as young leaders to prop up PKR's image.
As it is, PKR has been beset by opportunists and moles that are being used by Umno as well as former PKR leaders to stir trouble within the young party.
Anwar will also need to enforce his representatives to buck up and clean up their acts, to remain the anchor party of the Pakatan coalition.
The old horses and young upstarts that were ushered into Parliament and state assemblies have to show commitment to fight for the welfare of the people, create opportunities for upward economic mobility and provide service for their constituents.
Another major concern to the Permatang Pauh parliamentarian is the constant feud between DAP and PAS.
Pakatan will need to find a mechanism to deal with outstanding issues and difference in ideologies.
This has to a certain extent affected the confidence of the very people that voted Pakatan in the last general election.
The boisterous conservatives' influence within PAS like Datuk Hassan Ali and Nasharuddin Mat Isa as well as from DAP like Karpal Singh and the like needs to be tapered down to allow a conducive environment for coalition building.
Both Anwar and Najib have their hands full, the one who is able to clean up his party's mess swiftly and more importantly keep his coalition intact will emerge as the big winner in the 13th general election.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : Aug 27, 2009
Umno's once swashbuckling electoral candidate selection and machinery has almost disintegrated to one that is non-functioning and disjointed.
The problematic candidacy of Rohaizat Othman is now being blamed as the sole reason for the humiliating loss when there are bigger and more fundamental reasons to be considered.
After the 2008 general election, there have been three by-elections within the bigger constituency of Permatang Pauh.
Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim contested the parliamentary seat of Permatang Pauh to take over from his wife, current Penang Deputy Chief Minister I Mansor Othman contested the Penanti state seat to take over from the troublesome Mohd Fairus Khairuddin and now PAS's Salleh Man is the new state rep of Permatang Pasir after the death of previous representative Mohd Hamdan Rahman.
Now that the dust has settled, there are a few take-home notes for all parties involved.
Since the general election, the political temperature has been topsy turvy and of late, the tables have turned for both Pakatan Rakyat and Barisan Nasional.
After the general election, Pakatan seemed to hold the upper hand and moved forward with much gusto and slight arrogance befitting a government-in-waiting as well as the clear favourite in the domestic political arena.
It was as if Pakatan was leading the way, with Umno and BN chasing and barking all the way behind them.
After a turbulent past few months highlighted by Datuk Seri Najib Razak's ingenious manoeuvre when he scooped Perak from under Pakatan's nose with a few Pakatan scoundrels abandoning Anwar's ship, coupled with some heavy-handed attempts by federal institutions to destabilise the Penang, Kedah and Selangor state governments; the momentum seemed to move slightly back towards Umno.
There seems to be a resurgent of spirit for Umno and BN, playing heavily the racial card to the fullest with extreme rhetorics that only served to alienate the non-Malays even more while slightly consolidating the support from Umno's own hardcore supporters.
In antagonistic fashion, PM Najib seems to be going in the opposite direction compared to the rest of his beleaguered party.
While Najib espoused the 1 Malaysia concept which is supposed to project a more inclusive face of BN, his deputy Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and the rest of the Umno leaders are revealing the true colours of a party that does not show any capacity of being tolerant or receptive to any values outside of the Malay race.
Muhyiddin has suddenly emerged as the fighter within Umno that believes religiously in Malay supremacy and that Umno holds the divine right to the throne of the country's leadership.
Muhyiddin is putting on the ultra Malay mask in his attempt to strengthen his base within Umno by showing that he would not abandon the sacred Malay Agenda mantra.
He is also positioning himself to be the anti-thesis to Najib's 1 Malaysia and is biding his time waiting for the perfect opportunity to go for the kill as he does not have the luxury of time and age as Najib or even the hungry-looking vice-presidents Datuk Zahid Hamidi or Datuk Hishammuddin Hussein.
Hence, Najib is watching these developments within Umno keenly and as long as he can keep Muhyiddin and the hawks within an arm's length, he would not rock the Umno boat.
Meanwhile, Umno's tactics of painting and highlighting the liberal face of Anwar as well as labelling him a traitor to the race at the same time have not manage to clock additional political votes.
At the same time, it has emboldened Anwar's supporters within Pakatan parties and the general public that the whole traitor and sodomy charges are meant to halt Anwar's charge towards Putrajaya.
Anwar also have major issues to grapple with in PKR and the umbrella coalition of Pakatan.
For the first time, Anwar has admitted that Pakatan especially PKR needs to strengthen its candidate-vetting process.
Anwar may not have the luxury of a pool of quality candidates in the last general election, but he will definitely have an abundance of top, credible, young and experienced leaders offering to stand under the banner of PKR in the next general election.
He must have his fingers crossed that his party and Pakatan do not self-destruct before the next general election.
With leaders like Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, Datuk Chua Jui Meng, Tan Yee Kew and the like, Anwar can be certain that he will be able to put up a credible line-up.
His own worry is that there needs to be an infusion of more high-profile Malay as well as young leaders to prop up PKR's image.
As it is, PKR has been beset by opportunists and moles that are being used by Umno as well as former PKR leaders to stir trouble within the young party.
Anwar will also need to enforce his representatives to buck up and clean up their acts, to remain the anchor party of the Pakatan coalition.
The old horses and young upstarts that were ushered into Parliament and state assemblies have to show commitment to fight for the welfare of the people, create opportunities for upward economic mobility and provide service for their constituents.
Another major concern to the Permatang Pauh parliamentarian is the constant feud between DAP and PAS.
Pakatan will need to find a mechanism to deal with outstanding issues and difference in ideologies.
This has to a certain extent affected the confidence of the very people that voted Pakatan in the last general election.
The boisterous conservatives' influence within PAS like Datuk Hassan Ali and Nasharuddin Mat Isa as well as from DAP like Karpal Singh and the like needs to be tapered down to allow a conducive environment for coalition building.
Both Anwar and Najib have their hands full, the one who is able to clean up his party's mess swiftly and more importantly keep his coalition intact will emerge as the big winner in the 13th general election.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : Aug 27, 2009
BN may be superior but Pakatan holds the future
JULY 27, 2009 — Some 16 months after the landmark political tsunami of the 12th general election, Malaysians are beginning to consider who to choose at the next polls.
Even though Barisan Nasional (BN) has a track record of 50-odd years in managing the country, it is a bit of mismatch if we are to compare it to the fledgling Pakatan Rakyat that managed to take control of five (now four) states after the 2008 polls.
If it is a track record that we are considering as a criterion, we cannot dismiss the endless mismanagement cases, wastages and abuse of power that go on in the country. And that goes for both BN and Pakatan.
If we were to consider apple for apple, BN edges Pakatan on paper and age.
BN can harp on the notion that the country has managed to be transformed from a largely agricultural state to one now on the brink of developed country status, even though it may take another 50 years or so for us to be bestowed that honour.
However, the country would have been in a much better state economically and socially had there been a more transparent and effective system of management.
The public service delivery system has always been blamed for the laggard upward movement of the country.
The bloated but still overwhelmed civil service is an indication that manpower and resources are not being utilised efficiently, hence resulting in wastage of energy, time and money.
After the mini-economic revolution engineered by former PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in the early ‘80s until the ‘90s, the face of the country changed drastically.
Mahathir was more concerned with ensuring the country including his families and cronies got enough of the economic pie.
What was of less concern to Mahathir was the social development of the people, where democracy and civil liberties took a back seat.
Out went dilapidated buildings to be replaced by the dizzying heights of towers, smart buildings and the like. Rubber and palm oil estates were bulldozed to be replaced by factories and industries.
While the country's GDP per capita rose, it was still unable to catch up with our closest neighbour and rival Singapore. In the ‘70s Malaysia was on par with Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan; now the country is sliding down the rung and is currently about five times poorer than Singapore.
Under Mahathir, material development brought with it massive corruption and abuse of power centred on one individual.
Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's brief tenure was earmarked by the decentralisation of power and seemingly wayward governance.
Corruption spiralled and as the economy went downhill, less money was available to satisfy Umno and BN's grassroots as well as national leaders, Abdullah's inability or incompetence was a recipe for disaster at the hands of the money-hungry Umno leaders.
Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s low approval ratings when he took over played to his benefit. Najib would find it much easier to announce and say the right things as all his predecessors had done.
The outcome was the stimulus packages I and II, followed by a liberalisation policy as well as the release of a few ISA detainees and his pet project “1 Malaysia”.
One thing is for sure, BN never learns even after more than 50 years of experience managing the country and its people. Its inability to clamp down on corruption, weed out incompetent leaders and consider the people's welfare will bring BN down.
Even though Pakatan is beset with problems and with the trigger happy BN media not holding back, it will only be beneficial for Pakatan. This is because Pakatan leaders have no room for error and no space to galivant like their BN rivals.
Even if Pakatan and BN share a similar desire to seek and hold on to power, the rape of public institutions and selective persecution by Umno-BN will eventually play into the hands of Pakatan.
Pakatan will have to mature fast and avoid childish tantrums between each other and focus more on substantive issues for the benefit of the people.
Even if the Pakatan partners have different ideologies and pursuits, their sacred philosophical foundation is not based on racism, supremacy and hegemony.
To many ordinary Malaysians, the actions and not creation of hope will make or break leaders as well as the government.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : Jul 27, 2009
Even though Barisan Nasional (BN) has a track record of 50-odd years in managing the country, it is a bit of mismatch if we are to compare it to the fledgling Pakatan Rakyat that managed to take control of five (now four) states after the 2008 polls.
If it is a track record that we are considering as a criterion, we cannot dismiss the endless mismanagement cases, wastages and abuse of power that go on in the country. And that goes for both BN and Pakatan.
If we were to consider apple for apple, BN edges Pakatan on paper and age.
BN can harp on the notion that the country has managed to be transformed from a largely agricultural state to one now on the brink of developed country status, even though it may take another 50 years or so for us to be bestowed that honour.
However, the country would have been in a much better state economically and socially had there been a more transparent and effective system of management.
The public service delivery system has always been blamed for the laggard upward movement of the country.
The bloated but still overwhelmed civil service is an indication that manpower and resources are not being utilised efficiently, hence resulting in wastage of energy, time and money.
After the mini-economic revolution engineered by former PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in the early ‘80s until the ‘90s, the face of the country changed drastically.
Mahathir was more concerned with ensuring the country including his families and cronies got enough of the economic pie.
What was of less concern to Mahathir was the social development of the people, where democracy and civil liberties took a back seat.
Out went dilapidated buildings to be replaced by the dizzying heights of towers, smart buildings and the like. Rubber and palm oil estates were bulldozed to be replaced by factories and industries.
While the country's GDP per capita rose, it was still unable to catch up with our closest neighbour and rival Singapore. In the ‘70s Malaysia was on par with Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan; now the country is sliding down the rung and is currently about five times poorer than Singapore.
Under Mahathir, material development brought with it massive corruption and abuse of power centred on one individual.
Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's brief tenure was earmarked by the decentralisation of power and seemingly wayward governance.
Corruption spiralled and as the economy went downhill, less money was available to satisfy Umno and BN's grassroots as well as national leaders, Abdullah's inability or incompetence was a recipe for disaster at the hands of the money-hungry Umno leaders.
Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s low approval ratings when he took over played to his benefit. Najib would find it much easier to announce and say the right things as all his predecessors had done.
The outcome was the stimulus packages I and II, followed by a liberalisation policy as well as the release of a few ISA detainees and his pet project “1 Malaysia”.
One thing is for sure, BN never learns even after more than 50 years of experience managing the country and its people. Its inability to clamp down on corruption, weed out incompetent leaders and consider the people's welfare will bring BN down.
Even though Pakatan is beset with problems and with the trigger happy BN media not holding back, it will only be beneficial for Pakatan. This is because Pakatan leaders have no room for error and no space to galivant like their BN rivals.
Even if Pakatan and BN share a similar desire to seek and hold on to power, the rape of public institutions and selective persecution by Umno-BN will eventually play into the hands of Pakatan.
Pakatan will have to mature fast and avoid childish tantrums between each other and focus more on substantive issues for the benefit of the people.
Even if the Pakatan partners have different ideologies and pursuits, their sacred philosophical foundation is not based on racism, supremacy and hegemony.
To many ordinary Malaysians, the actions and not creation of hope will make or break leaders as well as the government.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : Jul 27, 2009
Honeymoon over for Pakatan
JULY 20, 2009 — The wafer-thin majority of 65 votes won by PAS's candidate, fishmonger Mohd Fauzi Abdullah, against his BN challenger, Kesedar officer Tuan Aziz Tuan Mat, in the Manek Urai by-election certainly caught many by surprise.
PAS worked day and night to ensure that outstation voters, who they had banked on, came back; they got their wish of a high turnout of some 87 per cent.
Whether that was the reason, they did enough to stop the tide that was going BN's and Umno's way. What was surprising was the drop in the majority compared to the 2008 general election from some 1,352 votes to a paltry 65.
Looking back, PAS and Umno have always had similar strength in support, with about 30-35 per cent hardcore supporters and members each.
The rest of about 30-40 per cent are fence-sitters who will shift according to the local political climate and issues.
PAS has held Kelantan for so long that it is probably this that worked to the benefit of Umno. The people of Kelantan probably itched for a change in the method and style of governance and more importantly to one that can improve their livelihood.
The result in Manek Urai has rung alarm bells in all other three Pakatan states that the honeymoon for them is over.
Pakatan leaders in those states should have hit the ground running on assuming office in discharging their task of administering the states.
The Pakatan-ruled states of Selangor, Penang and Kedah have yet to show their capability in helping to boost investments, create and generate wealth as well as ensuring the public delivery service is prompt and efficient.
Longstanding land ownership issues in Selangor and Penang are abundant and have yet to be addressed even after 16 months Pakatan has been in power.
This has been slammed by business players as well as individuals due their applications for land being stuck in the Land Office for ages and yet to be addressed.
Kedah and Kelantan are beset by bread-and-butter issues concerning the economic status and livelihood of the mostly agricultural-based community.
Small and medium business people have also found it hard to make ends meet as the dire economic situation makes it tougher for them to generate, maintain and expand their sales.
Even though the economic malaise is affecting businesses nationwide, things are not improving as fast as they ought to in the Pakatan states.
Investments into Pakatan states are not forthcoming and this is directly affecting growth as well as employment in these states.
A witchhunt by some of Pakatan's overzealous leaders on companies with links to BN leaders is turning away giant conglomerates from investing in Pakatan states.
Pakatan states especially the jewel in their crown, Selangor, as well as the Pearl of the Orient, Penang, will have to move fast and strong in providing sound leadership, economically as well as socio-politically.
Barisan Nasional especially Umno has found renewed strength after a annus horribillus year or two. Backed by the recent favourable ratings based on Merdeka Center's survey on the performance of Datuk Seri Najib Razak as Prime Minister as well as the result in Manek Urai, Umno feels as it is on track to rehabilitation.
The concerted and continuous effort by Umno to subvert the minds of the Malays into rejecting the so-called liberal Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim-led Pakatan has conjured considerable success.
The dilution of Malay power and role in the Pakatan states has conveniently been blamed on the rise of Anwar and Pakatan.
At the same time, inter-party squabbling between PKR and DAP on the Seberang Perai Municipal Council president issue as well as the PAS-DAP discord on the Kedah-Penang water issue are indications that all is not well within the coalition.
The intra-party fallout between the Erdogan and Ulama clans in PAS has also put off a lot of the once-favourable public opinion.
The temperature has risen a notch or two when the ever popular and influential PKR vice-president Mohamed Azmin Ali gave a thinly-veiled criticism towards his comrade Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim, the Selangor Mentri Besar, in the august Selangor State Assembly on the need for a revamp in the state's exco line-up to serve the people better.
There has been clear evidence of non-performance among Pakatan reps — the notorious among them being the former Penang Deputy Chief Minister I Mohd Fairus Khairuddin, who was duly replaced with the affable Datuk Mansor Othman.
Azmin's calculated critique towards Khalid's line-up did not receive an open rebuke from PKR's exco members except for one or two rumblings from DAP's exco members — namely Teresa Kok and Ean Yong Hian Wah.
It is time that Khalid, Lim Guan Eng, Azizan Razak and Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat cleaned up their act as their states cannot have water-carriers or excess baggage in their respective state governments.
As much as Anwar tried to be hands-off in the running and administration of the Pakatan states to allow the states to find their rhythm and carry on at their own pace, he has probably realised that it is he who has to prod and see that these states toe the Pakatan line together with the help of Datuk Hadi Awang and Lim Kit Siang.
If the dream of taking over Putrajaya is to remain alive, Anwar together with his former nemeses-turned-allies Kit Siang and Hadi will have to forge and formalise, if necessary, a structured, organised and effective coalition — not just from the top but right down to the grassroots level.
Anwar will also have to monitor closely and ensure that PKR and Pakatan reps in state assemblies and Parliament deliver the task that is expected of them with sound quality debate, solutions for improvement and that they keep in touch with their constituents at all times.
While the public has high expectations of Najib to deliver immediately upon assuming office, the exceptionally long 16 months’ honeymoon by Pakatan has put many Pakatan reps in their comfort zone. Alas, Pakatan can't afford to have leaders still in honeymoon mode, they need to deliver their 1,001 sweet promises to the people.
Only then will they stand a chance to open the doors of Putrajaya.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : July 20, 2009
PAS worked day and night to ensure that outstation voters, who they had banked on, came back; they got their wish of a high turnout of some 87 per cent.
Whether that was the reason, they did enough to stop the tide that was going BN's and Umno's way. What was surprising was the drop in the majority compared to the 2008 general election from some 1,352 votes to a paltry 65.
Looking back, PAS and Umno have always had similar strength in support, with about 30-35 per cent hardcore supporters and members each.
The rest of about 30-40 per cent are fence-sitters who will shift according to the local political climate and issues.
PAS has held Kelantan for so long that it is probably this that worked to the benefit of Umno. The people of Kelantan probably itched for a change in the method and style of governance and more importantly to one that can improve their livelihood.
The result in Manek Urai has rung alarm bells in all other three Pakatan states that the honeymoon for them is over.
Pakatan leaders in those states should have hit the ground running on assuming office in discharging their task of administering the states.
The Pakatan-ruled states of Selangor, Penang and Kedah have yet to show their capability in helping to boost investments, create and generate wealth as well as ensuring the public delivery service is prompt and efficient.
Longstanding land ownership issues in Selangor and Penang are abundant and have yet to be addressed even after 16 months Pakatan has been in power.
This has been slammed by business players as well as individuals due their applications for land being stuck in the Land Office for ages and yet to be addressed.
Kedah and Kelantan are beset by bread-and-butter issues concerning the economic status and livelihood of the mostly agricultural-based community.
Small and medium business people have also found it hard to make ends meet as the dire economic situation makes it tougher for them to generate, maintain and expand their sales.
Even though the economic malaise is affecting businesses nationwide, things are not improving as fast as they ought to in the Pakatan states.
Investments into Pakatan states are not forthcoming and this is directly affecting growth as well as employment in these states.
A witchhunt by some of Pakatan's overzealous leaders on companies with links to BN leaders is turning away giant conglomerates from investing in Pakatan states.
Pakatan states especially the jewel in their crown, Selangor, as well as the Pearl of the Orient, Penang, will have to move fast and strong in providing sound leadership, economically as well as socio-politically.
Barisan Nasional especially Umno has found renewed strength after a annus horribillus year or two. Backed by the recent favourable ratings based on Merdeka Center's survey on the performance of Datuk Seri Najib Razak as Prime Minister as well as the result in Manek Urai, Umno feels as it is on track to rehabilitation.
The concerted and continuous effort by Umno to subvert the minds of the Malays into rejecting the so-called liberal Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim-led Pakatan has conjured considerable success.
The dilution of Malay power and role in the Pakatan states has conveniently been blamed on the rise of Anwar and Pakatan.
At the same time, inter-party squabbling between PKR and DAP on the Seberang Perai Municipal Council president issue as well as the PAS-DAP discord on the Kedah-Penang water issue are indications that all is not well within the coalition.
The intra-party fallout between the Erdogan and Ulama clans in PAS has also put off a lot of the once-favourable public opinion.
The temperature has risen a notch or two when the ever popular and influential PKR vice-president Mohamed Azmin Ali gave a thinly-veiled criticism towards his comrade Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim, the Selangor Mentri Besar, in the august Selangor State Assembly on the need for a revamp in the state's exco line-up to serve the people better.
There has been clear evidence of non-performance among Pakatan reps — the notorious among them being the former Penang Deputy Chief Minister I Mohd Fairus Khairuddin, who was duly replaced with the affable Datuk Mansor Othman.
Azmin's calculated critique towards Khalid's line-up did not receive an open rebuke from PKR's exco members except for one or two rumblings from DAP's exco members — namely Teresa Kok and Ean Yong Hian Wah.
It is time that Khalid, Lim Guan Eng, Azizan Razak and Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat cleaned up their act as their states cannot have water-carriers or excess baggage in their respective state governments.
As much as Anwar tried to be hands-off in the running and administration of the Pakatan states to allow the states to find their rhythm and carry on at their own pace, he has probably realised that it is he who has to prod and see that these states toe the Pakatan line together with the help of Datuk Hadi Awang and Lim Kit Siang.
If the dream of taking over Putrajaya is to remain alive, Anwar together with his former nemeses-turned-allies Kit Siang and Hadi will have to forge and formalise, if necessary, a structured, organised and effective coalition — not just from the top but right down to the grassroots level.
Anwar will also have to monitor closely and ensure that PKR and Pakatan reps in state assemblies and Parliament deliver the task that is expected of them with sound quality debate, solutions for improvement and that they keep in touch with their constituents at all times.
While the public has high expectations of Najib to deliver immediately upon assuming office, the exceptionally long 16 months’ honeymoon by Pakatan has put many Pakatan reps in their comfort zone. Alas, Pakatan can't afford to have leaders still in honeymoon mode, they need to deliver their 1,001 sweet promises to the people.
Only then will they stand a chance to open the doors of Putrajaya.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : July 20, 2009
PAS to determine its fate, DAP is key
JUNE 22, 2009 — It certainly seems that the issue of a unity government between PAS and Umno will not be settled in the near future.
After PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat came out strongly against the “liberal-towards-Umno” party deputy president Nasharuddin Mat Isa and urged him to join Umno, 10 out of PAS’s 19 MPs issued a statement declaring their support for Nik Aziz and rejecting PAS-Umno cooperation.
These 10 MPs are not only from the “Erdogan” or pro-Pakatan clan, they also include some very respectable ulama like Taib Azamudeen.
Surprisingly, vice-presidents Salahuddin Ayub and Mahfuz Omar, who are known for their pro-Pakatan stand and are even Anwaristas of sorts, played safe by not putting their name to the strongly-worded statement by the 10 MPs.
They are probably thinking of their VP positions or not wanting to incur the wrath of their president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang, as Nasha is known to be close to Hadi.
However, they urged Nasha to meet Nik Aziz to resolve their differences behind closed doors.
Nik Aziz's outburst is probably due to his anger at the loss by his blue-eyed boy Datuk Husam Musa and several other Kelantan PAS leaders like Nik Amar at the recent party elections.
After it became public knowledge that PAS and Umno top leaders had held discussions and negotiations after the severe losses by Umno at last year’s general election tsunami, the cooperation took different twists and turns.
Former VP Ahmad Awang has also revealed that there had been attempts by certain PAS leaders to influence him to cooperate and form a coalition government with Umno in Perak a few days after the 2008 general election.
Some senior leaders in PAS and also most of their grassroots members were kept in the dark of the secret talks.
After it was revealed that the negotiations actually did took place, PAS used the term muzakarah and muqabalah to justify its indiscretion even though the party had agreed to form a pact with PKR and DAP.
During their brief rendezvous, Umno dangled the carrot to Nasha on the possibility of him being appointed deputy prime minister and Datuk Hassan Ali appointed Selangor mentri besar.
These very juicy positions have swayed the aqidah (faith) of these PAS leaders until now.
Hence, when the issue of a unity government was raised from the dead by Hadi, Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin was not receptive to the idea as it would mean that he would have to share his DPM's post or even lose it to Nasha.
However, sensing that this idea might not go anywhere and bound to be shot down due to Nik Aziz’s fierce resistance as well as the extensive damage that it may cause Pakatan Rakyat, Muhyiddin played along and poured oil on the flame, calling for the talks to be expedited.
PAS as a party is bound to lose the most if the unity government talks bear fruit and it joins Barisan Nasional.
Only individuals like Nasha, secretary-general Mustafa Ali and Hassan would gain the most with the hard-to-resist offer of DPM and MB.
Hadi will find it easy to legitimise the cooperation between the two parties with the fate of the Malay race and the position of Islam as their main concern.
PAS would also be able to reason that the party is merely undertaking to preach or dakwah or tarbiyyah its arch-rival Umno as justified by the dogmatic Youth chief Nasruddin Hassan Tantawi.
Any potential Umno-PAS government will not only split the party but also destroy the image of PAS as a friendly party to the non-Muslims and non-Malays alike.
While some Malays will genuinely feel overjoyed by the alliance of the two biggest Malay parties in the country, a significant proportion of the community will definitely quit PAS to join PKR.
After the 2008 general election, BN has harped on the dilution of Malay power and instilled the feeling in the older generation as well as the old-schooled Malay population that Umno is the final bastion for the Malays.
Even if some see it as psychological warfare by Umno, some of these fears are real and the issues will remain and will be the determining factor in Pakatan’s bid to rule Putrajaya.
DAP, portrayed as a chauvinistic Chinese-dominated party, will have to play a major role to ensure the small win in the 2008 general election becomes an overwhelming victory in the 2013 general election.
The softening of its overly defensive and overzealous stance especially on issues of race relations will go a long way to building the confidence of the Malays.
Championing issues which the Malays regard as sacred like the promotion of Bahasa Malaysia as the language that unites all Malaysians will build the affection of the Malays towards to party.
This can be done by improving the command of the language by some DAP MPs and assemblymen to the impeccable standard shown by veterans like Tan Seng Giaw.
Improving the infrastructure and livelihood of the poor (most of whom are Malays) especially in states like Penang will endear the Malays to the party even more.
DAP's unflinching defence of Islam as the official religion of the federation by improving the maintenance of rundown mosques or madrasahs through allocations and small projects can be highlighted to show its empathy.
If DAP can undertake these changes, not cosmetically but more importantly with sincerity, the party will be the key to unlocking the gates for Pakatan on its march towards Putrajaya.
Whether PAS remains a member of Pakatan in the next general election or not, the understanding of the mood and sentiment of the people must be astute and measured well.
PAS must choose between the short path that rewards certain individuals with positions of power or the realisation that the Malays can be won over with pragmatism not extremism.
Misreading the signals and real issues on the ground affecting all Malaysians by leaders of DAP and PAS will not enable Pakatan to espouse its viability and exude confidence with the people.
The notion that DAP and PAS represent the two extremes of Malaysian politics must be quashed to project a more progressive and moderate face of Pakatam to win the hearts and minds of the people.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : June 22, 2009
After PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat came out strongly against the “liberal-towards-Umno” party deputy president Nasharuddin Mat Isa and urged him to join Umno, 10 out of PAS’s 19 MPs issued a statement declaring their support for Nik Aziz and rejecting PAS-Umno cooperation.
These 10 MPs are not only from the “Erdogan” or pro-Pakatan clan, they also include some very respectable ulama like Taib Azamudeen.
Surprisingly, vice-presidents Salahuddin Ayub and Mahfuz Omar, who are known for their pro-Pakatan stand and are even Anwaristas of sorts, played safe by not putting their name to the strongly-worded statement by the 10 MPs.
They are probably thinking of their VP positions or not wanting to incur the wrath of their president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang, as Nasha is known to be close to Hadi.
However, they urged Nasha to meet Nik Aziz to resolve their differences behind closed doors.
Nik Aziz's outburst is probably due to his anger at the loss by his blue-eyed boy Datuk Husam Musa and several other Kelantan PAS leaders like Nik Amar at the recent party elections.
After it became public knowledge that PAS and Umno top leaders had held discussions and negotiations after the severe losses by Umno at last year’s general election tsunami, the cooperation took different twists and turns.
Former VP Ahmad Awang has also revealed that there had been attempts by certain PAS leaders to influence him to cooperate and form a coalition government with Umno in Perak a few days after the 2008 general election.
Some senior leaders in PAS and also most of their grassroots members were kept in the dark of the secret talks.
After it was revealed that the negotiations actually did took place, PAS used the term muzakarah and muqabalah to justify its indiscretion even though the party had agreed to form a pact with PKR and DAP.
During their brief rendezvous, Umno dangled the carrot to Nasha on the possibility of him being appointed deputy prime minister and Datuk Hassan Ali appointed Selangor mentri besar.
These very juicy positions have swayed the aqidah (faith) of these PAS leaders until now.
Hence, when the issue of a unity government was raised from the dead by Hadi, Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin was not receptive to the idea as it would mean that he would have to share his DPM's post or even lose it to Nasha.
However, sensing that this idea might not go anywhere and bound to be shot down due to Nik Aziz’s fierce resistance as well as the extensive damage that it may cause Pakatan Rakyat, Muhyiddin played along and poured oil on the flame, calling for the talks to be expedited.
PAS as a party is bound to lose the most if the unity government talks bear fruit and it joins Barisan Nasional.
Only individuals like Nasha, secretary-general Mustafa Ali and Hassan would gain the most with the hard-to-resist offer of DPM and MB.
Hadi will find it easy to legitimise the cooperation between the two parties with the fate of the Malay race and the position of Islam as their main concern.
PAS would also be able to reason that the party is merely undertaking to preach or dakwah or tarbiyyah its arch-rival Umno as justified by the dogmatic Youth chief Nasruddin Hassan Tantawi.
Any potential Umno-PAS government will not only split the party but also destroy the image of PAS as a friendly party to the non-Muslims and non-Malays alike.
While some Malays will genuinely feel overjoyed by the alliance of the two biggest Malay parties in the country, a significant proportion of the community will definitely quit PAS to join PKR.
After the 2008 general election, BN has harped on the dilution of Malay power and instilled the feeling in the older generation as well as the old-schooled Malay population that Umno is the final bastion for the Malays.
Even if some see it as psychological warfare by Umno, some of these fears are real and the issues will remain and will be the determining factor in Pakatan’s bid to rule Putrajaya.
DAP, portrayed as a chauvinistic Chinese-dominated party, will have to play a major role to ensure the small win in the 2008 general election becomes an overwhelming victory in the 2013 general election.
The softening of its overly defensive and overzealous stance especially on issues of race relations will go a long way to building the confidence of the Malays.
Championing issues which the Malays regard as sacred like the promotion of Bahasa Malaysia as the language that unites all Malaysians will build the affection of the Malays towards to party.
This can be done by improving the command of the language by some DAP MPs and assemblymen to the impeccable standard shown by veterans like Tan Seng Giaw.
Improving the infrastructure and livelihood of the poor (most of whom are Malays) especially in states like Penang will endear the Malays to the party even more.
DAP's unflinching defence of Islam as the official religion of the federation by improving the maintenance of rundown mosques or madrasahs through allocations and small projects can be highlighted to show its empathy.
If DAP can undertake these changes, not cosmetically but more importantly with sincerity, the party will be the key to unlocking the gates for Pakatan on its march towards Putrajaya.
Whether PAS remains a member of Pakatan in the next general election or not, the understanding of the mood and sentiment of the people must be astute and measured well.
PAS must choose between the short path that rewards certain individuals with positions of power or the realisation that the Malays can be won over with pragmatism not extremism.
Misreading the signals and real issues on the ground affecting all Malaysians by leaders of DAP and PAS will not enable Pakatan to espouse its viability and exude confidence with the people.
The notion that DAP and PAS represent the two extremes of Malaysian politics must be quashed to project a more progressive and moderate face of Pakatam to win the hearts and minds of the people.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : June 22, 2009
PAS reveal its claws to Pakatan partners
JUNE 14, 2009 – Soon after the party election results come trickling in, it seemed as if the Islamic party is heading in the opposite direction to its Pakatan Rakyat partners.
With proponents of “Unity Government” talks– Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang and Nasharudin Mat Isa – both voted into the top two posts, it was an indication that the party has yet to abandon the possibility of PAS-Umno cooperation.
Even though all the wings in PAS, except for the Dewan Ulama, have rejected the idea cooperation with its arch rivals, key players within the conservative-nationalists camp of the party seem to think that the party can gain more by collaborating with Umno-BN than with its current everyone-is-equal Pakatan Rakyat partners.
The new Secretary General Mustafa Ali and Selangor PAS Chief Hassan Ali, together with Dewan Ulama Chief Harun Taib, have now gained a new lease of life after they won and were handed strategic positions in the party.
After the 2008 general election, thay were the main players pushing to secure positions of power in Selangor in the negotiations with former PM Abdullah Badawi and former Selangor MB Khir Toyo.
However, their flirtations with Umno was shot down by their own party colleagues led by the revered Nik Aziz together with pro-Pakatan leaders – Husam Musa, Khalid Samad and the gang.
While it is odd that PAS is the one pushing for these unity talks, Umno seems to be playing along in this charade just to hammer the wedge home and widen the cracks that are getting wider among the Pakatan members.
Umno, still the single biggest party in terms of Parliamentary seats won, have had to play second fiddle to PAS in the current unity government brouhaha.
While it is naïve for PAS to think that it can gain more by collaborating with Umno rather than the current Pakatan set-up, it seems that PAS is bent on trying to cement its long-held belief that it should be the anchor in the Pakatan Rakyat coalition.
PAS leaders and members alike have these notion that, by virtue of being the oldest partner, they have to assume the “big brother” mantle in their dealings with their more junior Pakatan partners.
Hence, these flings with Umno are only meant to wedge in some jealousy and also to “blackmail” PKR and DAP with the threat that they will not be able to survive without PAS's support.
What some PAS leaders fail to realise is that if their fling turn into a full-blown affair, it is their own party rank-and-file who will abandon them in droves.
Hadi, Nasha and Mustafa underestimate the still outspoken but frail Nik Aziz, who has shown that he hasn’t lost any of his sting.
Nik Aziz has been against the “unity government” talks right from the start, and he even lambasted Hadi openly in the Muktamar.
The Malays are still enamoured with Nik Aziz and hold him in high regards due to his religiosity and simple life.
Nik Aziz has openly expressed his disappointment with Husam and Khalid Samad’s loss to Nasha and his coterie of bandits.
With Mustafa Ali plotting from behind the scene using the exuberance yet dogmatic face of Nasharuddin Tantawi and the network of young PAS conservatives as well as the suave politician Nasharuddin Mat Isa, including the ever nationalist and Biro Tatanegara-oriented Hassan Ali, the main agenda of diluting Nik Aziz’s influence in the top leadership of PAS has been achieved successfully.
However, PAS members have shown that they will not be swayed that easily by balancing the top leadership with reformist elements occupying all three vice presidents’ posts – Sallahudin Ayub, Mahfuz Omar and Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man – as well as putting in the moderate former Perak MB Nizar Jamaluddin as the highest ranking Central Committee member.
Sensing that he had to carry out damage control, Hadi has now changed his tune by adding the conditions that Umno satisfy the key criteria of restoring the independence of the judiciary, rule of law and respecting human rights before any talks with Umno can take place.
Even though certain Umno leaders have been over excited in their enthusiasm for the unity talks, it is clear that their agreement to the talks are only meant to draw PAS out and stir up conflict within the Pakatan coalition.
It is unimaginable that the veteran politician in Hadi is unable to read this gambit but the supposed on-the-table offer of the deputy prime ministership for Nasharuddin Mat Isa and Selangor mentri besar’s post for Hassan Ali have definitely turned their heads.
The position and posture of the party in the near future with regards to their membership of the newbie Pakatan Rakyat will determine the level of support for the party and at the same time affect Pakatan's march towards Putrajaya.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : June 14, 2009
With proponents of “Unity Government” talks– Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang and Nasharudin Mat Isa – both voted into the top two posts, it was an indication that the party has yet to abandon the possibility of PAS-Umno cooperation.
Even though all the wings in PAS, except for the Dewan Ulama, have rejected the idea cooperation with its arch rivals, key players within the conservative-nationalists camp of the party seem to think that the party can gain more by collaborating with Umno-BN than with its current everyone-is-equal Pakatan Rakyat partners.
The new Secretary General Mustafa Ali and Selangor PAS Chief Hassan Ali, together with Dewan Ulama Chief Harun Taib, have now gained a new lease of life after they won and were handed strategic positions in the party.
After the 2008 general election, thay were the main players pushing to secure positions of power in Selangor in the negotiations with former PM Abdullah Badawi and former Selangor MB Khir Toyo.
However, their flirtations with Umno was shot down by their own party colleagues led by the revered Nik Aziz together with pro-Pakatan leaders – Husam Musa, Khalid Samad and the gang.
While it is odd that PAS is the one pushing for these unity talks, Umno seems to be playing along in this charade just to hammer the wedge home and widen the cracks that are getting wider among the Pakatan members.
Umno, still the single biggest party in terms of Parliamentary seats won, have had to play second fiddle to PAS in the current unity government brouhaha.
While it is naïve for PAS to think that it can gain more by collaborating with Umno rather than the current Pakatan set-up, it seems that PAS is bent on trying to cement its long-held belief that it should be the anchor in the Pakatan Rakyat coalition.
PAS leaders and members alike have these notion that, by virtue of being the oldest partner, they have to assume the “big brother” mantle in their dealings with their more junior Pakatan partners.
Hence, these flings with Umno are only meant to wedge in some jealousy and also to “blackmail” PKR and DAP with the threat that they will not be able to survive without PAS's support.
What some PAS leaders fail to realise is that if their fling turn into a full-blown affair, it is their own party rank-and-file who will abandon them in droves.
Hadi, Nasha and Mustafa underestimate the still outspoken but frail Nik Aziz, who has shown that he hasn’t lost any of his sting.
Nik Aziz has been against the “unity government” talks right from the start, and he even lambasted Hadi openly in the Muktamar.
The Malays are still enamoured with Nik Aziz and hold him in high regards due to his religiosity and simple life.
Nik Aziz has openly expressed his disappointment with Husam and Khalid Samad’s loss to Nasha and his coterie of bandits.
With Mustafa Ali plotting from behind the scene using the exuberance yet dogmatic face of Nasharuddin Tantawi and the network of young PAS conservatives as well as the suave politician Nasharuddin Mat Isa, including the ever nationalist and Biro Tatanegara-oriented Hassan Ali, the main agenda of diluting Nik Aziz’s influence in the top leadership of PAS has been achieved successfully.
However, PAS members have shown that they will not be swayed that easily by balancing the top leadership with reformist elements occupying all three vice presidents’ posts – Sallahudin Ayub, Mahfuz Omar and Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man – as well as putting in the moderate former Perak MB Nizar Jamaluddin as the highest ranking Central Committee member.
Sensing that he had to carry out damage control, Hadi has now changed his tune by adding the conditions that Umno satisfy the key criteria of restoring the independence of the judiciary, rule of law and respecting human rights before any talks with Umno can take place.
Even though certain Umno leaders have been over excited in their enthusiasm for the unity talks, it is clear that their agreement to the talks are only meant to draw PAS out and stir up conflict within the Pakatan coalition.
It is unimaginable that the veteran politician in Hadi is unable to read this gambit but the supposed on-the-table offer of the deputy prime ministership for Nasharuddin Mat Isa and Selangor mentri besar’s post for Hassan Ali have definitely turned their heads.
The position and posture of the party in the near future with regards to their membership of the newbie Pakatan Rakyat will determine the level of support for the party and at the same time affect Pakatan's march towards Putrajaya.
- published in The Malaysian Insider : June 14, 2009
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