Autocratic orthodoxy in religion

NOV 15, 2009 – The arrest of former Perlis Mufti Dr Asri Zainul Abidin in the bourgeois neighbourhood of Bukit Antarabangsa has opened up another Pandora’s box in the country.

Allegations by the state religious authority Jais that Asri was “teaching Islam without certification” has been criticised by many but also defended by some in the Islamic establishments.

Generally, Malay Muslims are being taught in their religious upbringing to accept and submit without question to the teachings of their tok guru, lecturer or ustaz in madrasahs, sekolah pondok or in university lecture halls.

This Asian-esque and parochial values has been effectively used by the local Islamic institutions and the conservative orthodox ulama's to strengthen their grip on the religion in the country.

The orthodox school of thought is entrenched in almost all state religious councils and local Islamic district departments, as well as top federal Islamic institutions like Pusat Islam and Jakim and the local universities.

However, some degree of intellectual debates can be seen in academically inclined Islamic institutions like Istac, Ikim and Yadim, ?which are viewed as a threat to these orthodox establishments.

Hence, it is surprising that Malaysian Islamic Youth Association (Abim) stoutly defended the move by Jais and showed that the disease of an old school of thought creeping into what used to be a progressive institution.

The dismantling of “total submission without question” as a result of an open education system and globalised borderless world seems to be scaring the orthodox groups which worry that their grip on the religion may be under threat.

Just like some old autocratic dictator offering up the lame defence of “Asian values” for the purpose of maintaining hegemony and hindering democracy, the traditional Islamic establishments are using the same mantra.

The arguments on maintaining law and order in that other established schools of thought, like Shiite, Wahabbi or Salafi, have no place in the country because they will “disrupt harmony and cause confusion among Muslims” mimics the autocratic line of arguments of “Order first, democracy later” leaders.

The labelling and unfortunate connotation that Wahabbism, Salafi or Shiite has been associated with, has been propagated to instil prejudice among the general Muslim population in Malaysia that these streams are deviationist in nature.

Just like democracy has been conveniently tainted with accusations that it is a Western and imperialist agenda; reform movement in Islamic teachings were also accused of being a Western agenda.

The Islamic reform movement were championed by progressives like Muhammad Abduh and Rasyid Ridha, which was carried out in this region by laureatte Syed Syeikh Al Hadi in the early 1900s through education in madrasahs and liberating publications.

Syed Syeikh Al Hadi went through similar ordeal with the dogmatic traditionalist Islamic establishments accusing him of being a radical and causing disharmony among the Muslim community.

This Cold War which went on until the 60s and 70s between traditionalists and reformists were termed “Kaum Tua vs Kaum Muda” with the reformists or Kaum Muda confined mainly to the Straits Settlements of Penang, Singapore and pockets in Malacca.

After Independence, with the establishment of heads of state or rulers as the guardian of Islam in their own state, the Perlis ruler is the only known royal to subscribe to the progressive reform Islam.

In this latest episode, the orthodox establishment launched an assault on Islamic reformists with the humiliating arrest of Asri in front of hundreds of attendees, including several lawmakers.

Like a regime under threat, in order to silence dissent, to blunt creativity and to kill off new ideas in the society, the dying regime needs to exercise their power to show that they are in control and that the religion is their key to bossing people around.

But like all regimes or juntas, education and exposure to new ideas will lead to progress and the disintegration of parochialism as well as formation of an egalitarian society.

The dogmatic conservative orthodox will eventually fall despite their suffocating grip on local institutions, media and enforcement agencies.

However, in order for the reform agenda to prosper, whether in religion or politics, it must be based on sincerity to develop or promote social upward mobility as well as create a more aware and rational society.

For too long, the society has been trapped in the dogmatic ways of an old depleted regime and the struggle to uplift the society by reformers should not go to waste – in religion, politics or otherwise.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Nov 15, 2009

Americans stuck with the devils they know

NOV 4, 2009 – The US foreign policy under President Barack Obama has taken a more conciliatory approach as compared to the swashbuckling style of his predecessor George Bush Jr.US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has zigged-zagged around the world trying to patch up the wounded relations as a result of the previous administration’s policies with potential partners for the strategic importance of the US.

The strain that was heightened by Bush’s War on Terror in Afghanistan and Iraq has left a deep scar among many Muslims in the Middle East and the rest of the world.

Following the war, Muslims generally view the Americans or Westerners with great distrust and suspicion.

This prejudice has been easily taken advantage of by radicals and extremists through the Al-Qaeda and Taleban in the Middle East as well as the Jemaah Islamiyah and Abu Sayyaf in Southeast Asia.

Subsequent to the War on Terror, sermons in mosques, madrasahs and religious schools around the world has taken aim at the US and the West calling them Great Satan, Imperialists and the like.

Imams in mosques and madrasahs have been calling Muslims worldwide to defend their brothers in Iraq and Afghanistan, hence the pockets of foreign forces that slipped into Iraq and Afghanistan to defend the Muslim countries against US’ aggression.

At the same time, the Sept 11 tragedy has also made Muslims in the Western world an easy target for hate seekers and nationalists’ mob.

The ignorance of these bigots is ridiculously idiotic to the extent that some of them attacked Sikhs who are identified by their turbans which, to their western eyes, are similar to what the Arabs wear.

9/11, followed by the war against Al-Qaeda, the Taliban and Saddam Hussein has increased the gap between the Muslim world and the US-Western civilisation.

The siege mentality has overwhelmingly taken over the minds of many Muslims to the point that anything related to US or the West is being viewed with great suspicion.

This has also been exacerbated by Bush’s labelling of Jihadists and Wahabbism on the radicals.

Extremists’ movements worldwide have been fuelled with added conviction and fervour in their attacks against the US, Israel and the West.

These rogue groups have caused mayhem at places with high concentration of Westerners as well as economically important cities all around the world.

The US, on the other hand, has had to grapple with partners that are embroiled in their own domestic problems.

Iraq has been in turmoil from the moment Saddam Hussein was kicked out from the city of Baghdad with Sunnis and Shiites embroiled in a civil war jostling to fill in the vacuum left by the larger-than-life figure of Saddam.

Afghanistan’s President Hamed Karzai has been fighting the perception of being a stooge for the US and also rife with allegations of corruption and tainted democracy.

Similar problems in the sultanates of Middle Eastern countries, Palestine, Egypt, Pakistan and Southeast Asian Muslim countries have further complicate the situation faced by Obama.

Much of the problems have arisen due to the fact that the US has been grooming allies that will be “friendly” to them.

These allies in the Muslim world are notoriously known to flout democratic principles, embezzled in corruption scandals and also autocratic in their governance.

Obama has inherited a foreign policy that rewards yes-man and the goodies has created obnoxious and arrogant creatures devoid of the supposedly noble values that Americans are synonymous with – democracy, transparency and good governance.

It is time that the Obama put the respect of the world community back into US’ leadership by ensuring justice and fair play in their dealing with the Muslim world on the issue of Palestine, corruption, democracy and nuclear disarmament.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Nov 4, 2009

Cheap stunts threaten to take the shine off the pearl

OCT 2, 2009 — Just as the contentious issue of Kampung Buah Pala has more or less died down, the issue involving the Malay kampung of Tanjong Tokong is now threatening to cause another round of sleepless nights for Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng, his deputy Mansor Othman and, to a certain extent, opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.
The political ramification of the Kampung Buah Pala issue has been a pain in the neck for Lim and the state government as DAP and Pakatan Rakyat capitalised on the issue to good effect in the 2008 general election, attacking Barisan Nasional for not standing up for the people in facing the commercially-driven and profit-oriented developers.
After capturing the state, DAP and its Pakatan component members realised that it was not simply an open-and-shut case that can be settled without any implications, financially and legally, in relation to the approval given to the land owner and the development of the area.
The incoming Pakatan state governments of Penang, Selangor, Kedah and once upon a time Perak ill-thought promises of correcting the wrongs done by BN have came back to haunt them as it is evident that promises are easier made than to be realised.
Lim has had to swallow bitter pill as he was unable to play the role of the people's champion which he usually enjoys when he was the free spirit gung-ho oppositionist.
The Pakatan state government has also had to defend itself from accusations of not upholding the rights of the people.
To make things worse, previous allies like Hindraf are now at the forefront of accusing the DAP-led state government of mistreating the disfranchised Indians.
Penang's DCM II Prof P. Ramasamy was given an earful of abuse by the Hindraf leaders for not doing enough for the cause of the Indians. Some of the charges accused the state government of racial discrimination.
Not to be outdone, calls of a “new formula” or rotation of the chief ministership by fringe PKR leader and those wanting to promote themselves as champions of the Malay community have added salt to the sometimes fractious partnership between DAP and PKR.
This came at the behest of the anger by PKR's MPSP councillor on the appointment of a civil servant as the MPSP's president rather than someone nominated by PKR.
The issue of rotating the chief ministership mimics the political one-upsmanship of the previous state government under BN. Previously, Penang Umno had time and again demanded for the chief ministership to be handed over to it rather than being awarded to Gerakan, accusing the Gerakan-led state government of doing little to uplift the status of the Malay community.
Hence, if the rotation calls are true and not merely the overplay by the BN-manipulated media, it will have an impact to the people that there seems to be no difference between the previous and current state government.
One interesting question that comes to mind is that if the biggest party is accorded the post of the chief executive of the state then why has there not been proactive and committed work on the ground to win over not just the Malays as well as other communities in order to become the biggest party and lay a more realistic and rightful claim to the post.
Cheap political mileage like the one we are seeing in Penang bears resemblance to the ruckus that Selangor state exco Datuk Hasan Ali has tried to concoct with his antics of downgrading the same government that he is a part of.
The displacement of the majority Malay community in Tanjong Tokong must be treated as more than just a Malay issue as the solution should be considered from a human rather than a racial perspective.
The plight affecting residents of Tanjong Tokong just like in Kampung Buah Pala or even the new villages in Perak and Selangor are real issues that are affecting disfranchised people and little will be achieved if they are tackled as a race-based problems.
There ought to be a clear departure from the excessive politicking that is the hallmark of the previous government to new politics that is honest and represents hope for the people.
At the same time, governance requires leadership and the courage as well as the political will to do the right thing, ethically and morally not just politically.
After all, people will judge politicians by their act of governing and providing solutions for the welfare of the people rather than polemics and manoeuvres that mean little except for good political trash news.
Whilst Anwar is pushing for a solid and united Pakatan, wayward attempts to destabilise his effort must be kept in line and whipped to ensure the people remain hopeful of change and not disillusioned by similarities to the old regime.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Oct 2, 2009

Heads must roll after town hall fiasco

SEPT 8, 2009 – Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim was given a rude awakening when the meeting that was meant to discuss the relocation of a 150-year old temple turned to chaos and almost a ruckus.
Khalid called for a residents’ meeting following the highly charged protest on the relocation of the temple made infamous by the stamping of a severed cow’s head in front of the Selangor state secretariat building.
The Selangor MB felt that he had to take matters into his own hand after experiencing first hand how the issue deteriorated turning into a very sensitive one with negative political consequences.
While it is too obvious that Umno has played an active role in riling up the local Malay residents of Section 23, Shah Alam; it also reflects the weakness of the Pakatan Rakyat local machinery so much so that it was unable to counter the propaganda that Umno has been feeding into the minds of the local Malays.
Pakatan Rakyat state representatives were unable to ride on their position, influence and most importantly their newly found authority and power to dispel or stem the flowing tide of divisive elements from Umno.
They had also underestimated the nature of the resistance against the state government reflected by the emotional and surreal cow-head protest.
Everyone except the local Pakatan Rakyat machinery and some state government officials expected Umno, through its agents, to subvert the meeting. Hence, it was very naïve of the organisers to expect the meeting to be held in a cosy and warm atmosphere.
The rest, as they say, is history and Khalid, of all people, should not have received the level of abuse that was directed at him.
This issue, if nipped in the bud, would not have deteriorated into a situation that reflected a loss of control for the state government.
Khalid also had to personally see into this matter and even went around the residential area in search of a new proposed location for the temple. In short, Khalid has had to troubleshoot this politically sensitive issue when it ought to be handled by more junior officers and legislators.
It also goes to show that Khalid has under him some civil servants, local councillors, state reps and even exco members that are unable, or unwilling, to carry out his aspirations for the people.
The relocation of the temple has been an issue for more than two decades and has been an issue to both sets of the communities for some time. The failure of the local machinery to undertake proactive measures as well as their inability to communicate more effectively with the local residents should not be allowed to go unpunished.
It would not escape the attention of Khalid that these passengers under him ought to be replaced by qualified, competent and more committed leaders to ensure that Pakatan Rakyat is seen as being proactive in their efforts to provide service for the people.
The current public relations failure on this issue is reminiscent of Pakatan’s problem on a national level, especially in dealing with the Malay-Muslim issue that seems to be the only trump card that Umno is able to hold.
If Pakatan especially PKR and Pas intends to breach the stranglehold that Umno has over the lay Malays, it has to find a more effective means of communicating to the Malay community as compared to the typical ceramah or sermons or the like.
Considering the hold that Umno has over Utusan Malaysia and TV3, the change among the Malays’ psyche towards Umno will definitely not happen in the nearest future. Paradigm shift among the general Malays must take place to ensure Pakatan’s continuity of administering the state and takeover federal on a national level.
Only then would the people of Selangor and the country be convinced to allow Pakatan Rakyat another chance to continue leading the state and realise the dream of leading the nation.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Sept 8, 2009

Umno reaps what it sowed

AUG 29, 2009 – Just days before the nation celebrates its 52nd Independence Day, the action by some mongrels who stamped and spat on a severed head of a cow in front of the Selangor State Secretariat building to protest against the planned relocation of a Hindu temple to their residential area has posed serious questions about the state of race relations in the country.
The planned relocation of the temple from Shah Alam’s Section 19 to Section 23 has drawn loud protest from a section of the local residents.
According to the protestors, the area is populated by 90% Muslims and the presence of the temple will affect their lives as Muslims.
The surprising thing is that the police stood by in full view of these acts. Their newly found restraint, unlike their heavy-handed clampdown on Hindraf, Bersih and recent anti-ISA demonstrations, is most unusual.
In keeping with his call for 1 Malaysia, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak called on the police to take swift action on the “outrageous action” by the protestors to put a lid on the provocative acts and stop communal tensions from blowing up.
As long as the so-called “sensitive subjects” of race and religion remain taboo, it will be easier for powers-that-be to retain hegemony, divide and rule the community to their liking.
These extremists, whether they parade themselves under the banner of some supposedly noble NGOs like Pembela, Perkasa, Hindraf, Dong Jiao Zhong or the like, live on the philosophy of radicalism, bordering on racism.
While these fringe groups are getting louder and louder, they actually have minute numbers in representation. Their mindless actions calling for parochialism and supremacy of one race is based on short-term and narrow minded political agenda.
This scenario is exactly what right-wing nationalist organisations like Umno have been hoping for and harping on.
The embarrassing performance by Umno and Barisan Nasional in the 2008 general election is being said to result in the dilution of Malay power.
When Umno and BN won almost 90 per cent of the parliamentary seats in the 2004 general election, they became big-headed and disregarded the minority voices, especially those from outside the Malay community.
Umno leaders marginalised them to the extent of discriminating against the impoverished and poor, especially those among the Indian community.
They also acted with disrespect to the Chinese community and accused them of taking advantage of the divided Malay community.
At the same time, Umno leaders became too engrossed with power and abused the New Economic Policy to enrich themselves as well as their cronies, which have turned off the Malays themselves.
Fast forward a couple of years from the humiliating 2008 general election and the Umno extremists have now crawled back into their shells and accentuate their hardline stance with a more extreme brand and rhetoric of Malay supremacy.
They are increasingly disassociating themselves from a significant 40 per cent of the nation’s population (non-Malays and non-Muslims) and, at the same time, splitting the Malays right down the middle.
The paradox between Najib’s 1 Malaysia and Umno’s raison d’etre is becoming even more evident and prominent by the day.
Led by Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, Umno is shifting even further to the right to the extent of dismissing his fellow cabinet members in defending some extreme pro-Malay stances adopted by Umno leaders and their mouthpieces.
Utusan Malaysia has been at the forefront of disseminating extreme pro-Malay and pro-Umno propaganda which is meant to sway the minds of the general Malays.
Articles, opinion pieces and news reports have been skewed to incite hatred towards Pakatan’s Malay leaders with Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Pas’s Spiritual Leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat being the prime targets, accused of selling out the Malays.
While Anwar and Nik Aziz are being denigrated using the worst kind of terminologies available, the Malays are being fed with the illusion that the downfall of Umno will result in the downfall of the Malays.
The outcome of these charades and “wayang kulit” spiced up with venomous and spiteful antics as well as idiotic actions by Umno bigots are hallmark of desperation as well as fear of losing the accustomed power to rule the nation.
For them, power is everything even if it means destruction of the very fragile fabric of the society.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Aug 29, 2009

A Permatang lesson for all

AUG 27, 2009 — The decision was almost a foregone conclusion with PAS coming out tops in Permatang Pasir with a thumping majority of 4,551 votes despite the attempt by the Election Commission to limit the turnout in the by-election by having it in the fasting month and also on a weekday.
Umno's once swashbuckling electoral candidate selection and machinery has almost disintegrated to one that is non-functioning and disjointed.
The problematic candidacy of Rohaizat Othman is now being blamed as the sole reason for the humiliating loss when there are bigger and more fundamental reasons to be considered.
After the 2008 general election, there have been three by-elections within the bigger constituency of Permatang Pauh.
Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim contested the parliamentary seat of Permatang Pauh to take over from his wife, current Penang Deputy Chief Minister I Mansor Othman contested the Penanti state seat to take over from the troublesome Mohd Fairus Khairuddin and now PAS's Salleh Man is the new state rep of Permatang Pasir after the death of previous representative Mohd Hamdan Rahman.
Now that the dust has settled, there are a few take-home notes for all parties involved.
Since the general election, the political temperature has been topsy turvy and of late, the tables have turned for both Pakatan Rakyat and Barisan Nasional.
After the general election, Pakatan seemed to hold the upper hand and moved forward with much gusto and slight arrogance befitting a government-in-waiting as well as the clear favourite in the domestic political arena.
It was as if Pakatan was leading the way, with Umno and BN chasing and barking all the way behind them.
After a turbulent past few months highlighted by Datuk Seri Najib Razak's ingenious manoeuvre when he scooped Perak from under Pakatan's nose with a few Pakatan scoundrels abandoning Anwar's ship, coupled with some heavy-handed attempts by federal institutions to destabilise the Penang, Kedah and Selangor state governments; the momentum seemed to move slightly back towards Umno.
There seems to be a resurgent of spirit for Umno and BN, playing heavily the racial card to the fullest with extreme rhetorics that only served to alienate the non-Malays even more while slightly consolidating the support from Umno's own hardcore supporters.
In antagonistic fashion, PM Najib seems to be going in the opposite direction compared to the rest of his beleaguered party.
While Najib espoused the 1 Malaysia concept which is supposed to project a more inclusive face of BN, his deputy Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and the rest of the Umno leaders are revealing the true colours of a party that does not show any capacity of being tolerant or receptive to any values outside of the Malay race.
Muhyiddin has suddenly emerged as the fighter within Umno that believes religiously in Malay supremacy and that Umno holds the divine right to the throne of the country's leadership.
Muhyiddin is putting on the ultra Malay mask in his attempt to strengthen his base within Umno by showing that he would not abandon the sacred Malay Agenda mantra.
He is also positioning himself to be the anti-thesis to Najib's 1 Malaysia and is biding his time waiting for the perfect opportunity to go for the kill as he does not have the luxury of time and age as Najib or even the hungry-looking vice-presidents Datuk Zahid Hamidi or Datuk Hishammuddin Hussein.
Hence, Najib is watching these developments within Umno keenly and as long as he can keep Muhyiddin and the hawks within an arm's length, he would not rock the Umno boat.
Meanwhile, Umno's tactics of painting and highlighting the liberal face of Anwar as well as labelling him a traitor to the race at the same time have not manage to clock additional political votes.
At the same time, it has emboldened Anwar's supporters within Pakatan parties and the general public that the whole traitor and sodomy charges are meant to halt Anwar's charge towards Putrajaya.
Anwar also have major issues to grapple with in PKR and the umbrella coalition of Pakatan.
For the first time, Anwar has admitted that Pakatan especially PKR needs to strengthen its candidate-vetting process.
Anwar may not have the luxury of a pool of quality candidates in the last general election, but he will definitely have an abundance of top, credible, young and experienced leaders offering to stand under the banner of PKR in the next general election.
He must have his fingers crossed that his party and Pakatan do not self-destruct before the next general election.
With leaders like Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, Datuk Chua Jui Meng, Tan Yee Kew and the like, Anwar can be certain that he will be able to put up a credible line-up.
His own worry is that there needs to be an infusion of more high-profile Malay as well as young leaders to prop up PKR's image.
As it is, PKR has been beset by opportunists and moles that are being used by Umno as well as former PKR leaders to stir trouble within the young party.
Anwar will also need to enforce his representatives to buck up and clean up their acts, to remain the anchor party of the Pakatan coalition.
The old horses and young upstarts that were ushered into Parliament and state assemblies have to show commitment to fight for the welfare of the people, create opportunities for upward economic mobility and provide service for their constituents.
Another major concern to the Permatang Pauh parliamentarian is the constant feud between DAP and PAS.
Pakatan will need to find a mechanism to deal with outstanding issues and difference in ideologies.
This has to a certain extent affected the confidence of the very people that voted Pakatan in the last general election.
The boisterous conservatives' influence within PAS like Datuk Hassan Ali and Nasharuddin Mat Isa as well as from DAP like Karpal Singh and the like needs to be tapered down to allow a conducive environment for coalition building.
Both Anwar and Najib have their hands full, the one who is able to clean up his party's mess swiftly and more importantly keep his coalition intact will emerge as the big winner in the 13th general election.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Aug 27, 2009

BN may be superior but Pakatan holds the future

JULY 27, 2009 — Some 16 months after the landmark political tsunami of the 12th general election, Malaysians are beginning to consider who to choose at the next polls.
Even though Barisan Nasional (BN) has a track record of 50-odd years in managing the country, it is a bit of mismatch if we are to compare it to the fledgling Pakatan Rakyat that managed to take control of five (now four) states after the 2008 polls.
If it is a track record that we are considering as a criterion, we cannot dismiss the endless mismanagement cases, wastages and abuse of power that go on in the country. And that goes for both BN and Pakatan.
If we were to consider apple for apple, BN edges Pakatan on paper and age.
BN can harp on the notion that the country has managed to be transformed from a largely agricultural state to one now on the brink of developed country status, even though it may take another 50 years or so for us to be bestowed that honour.
However, the country would have been in a much better state economically and socially had there been a more transparent and effective system of management.
The public service delivery system has always been blamed for the laggard upward movement of the country.
The bloated but still overwhelmed civil service is an indication that manpower and resources are not being utilised efficiently, hence resulting in wastage of energy, time and money.
After the mini-economic revolution engineered by former PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in the early ‘80s until the ‘90s, the face of the country changed drastically.
Mahathir was more concerned with ensuring the country including his families and cronies got enough of the economic pie.
What was of less concern to Mahathir was the social development of the people, where democracy and civil liberties took a back seat.
Out went dilapidated buildings to be replaced by the dizzying heights of towers, smart buildings and the like. Rubber and palm oil estates were bulldozed to be replaced by factories and industries.
While the country's GDP per capita rose, it was still unable to catch up with our closest neighbour and rival Singapore. In the ‘70s Malaysia was on par with Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan; now the country is sliding down the rung and is currently about five times poorer than Singapore.
Under Mahathir, material development brought with it massive corruption and abuse of power centred on one individual.
Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's brief tenure was earmarked by the decentralisation of power and seemingly wayward governance.
Corruption spiralled and as the economy went downhill, less money was available to satisfy Umno and BN's grassroots as well as national leaders, Abdullah's inability or incompetence was a recipe for disaster at the hands of the money-hungry Umno leaders.
Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s low approval ratings when he took over played to his benefit. Najib would find it much easier to announce and say the right things as all his predecessors had done.
The outcome was the stimulus packages I and II, followed by a liberalisation policy as well as the release of a few ISA detainees and his pet project “1 Malaysia”.
One thing is for sure, BN never learns even after more than 50 years of experience managing the country and its people. Its inability to clamp down on corruption, weed out incompetent leaders and consider the people's welfare will bring BN down.
Even though Pakatan is beset with problems and with the trigger happy BN media not holding back, it will only be beneficial for Pakatan. This is because Pakatan leaders have no room for error and no space to galivant like their BN rivals.
Even if Pakatan and BN share a similar desire to seek and hold on to power, the rape of public institutions and selective persecution by Umno-BN will eventually play into the hands of Pakatan.
Pakatan will have to mature fast and avoid childish tantrums between each other and focus more on substantive issues for the benefit of the people.
Even if the Pakatan partners have different ideologies and pursuits, their sacred philosophical foundation is not based on racism, supremacy and hegemony.
To many ordinary Malaysians, the actions and not creation of hope will make or break leaders as well as the government.

- published in The Malaysian Insider : Jul 27, 2009